First Person Ranks First John Mccain a War Point of View Free Essays

Is it more important to focus on the bigger picture in War? Doing so would be to neglect the 58,000 soldiers who gave their lives in the Vietnam War. The Vietnam War is often seen as an unclear part of our history in the United States. This conflict in some Americans minds was a war of ethics, a war of right and wrong. We will write a custom essay sample on First Person Ranks First: John Mccain a War Point of View or any similar topic only for you Order Now The United States entered the war in order to try to prevent the continuous slaughter of Southern Vietnamese people. What we can learn is what lies in the stories of the different people who were involved in the war. The killing of the Southern Vietnamese posed an ethical problem for the United States. The U. S. saw it necessary to become involved. The masses involved male or female were sons, daughters, parents, spouses, and friends to others. What is important in this war is for us is to understand the experiences of the opposing citizens and soldiers involved. We more often than not overlook the personal experiences and aspects of the people involved in the war. In John McCain’s Faith of My Fathers and Nguyen Qui Duc’s La Fin d’un Cauchemar we are able to see the experiences of an American (McCain) and a Vietnamese family. Understanding these people’s points of view can be the most important lesson learned. Ones perception of the Vietnam War is often and easily skewed by outside sources such as media and movies. The personal accounts of the people who were actually involved in the war allow us the right to a better understanding. The two opposing perspectives in these narratives help their readers appreciate the gravity of the circumstances for the people involved. The torture, violence, and separation that these narratives revisit help us better understand the Vietnam War. In the excerpt from Faith of Our Fathers, John McCain retells his account of the Vietnam War while he was a prisoner of war. McCain’s narrative shows its audience a different side of the war. John McCain was a naval aviator in the Vietnam War. He flew in 23 bombing missions over North Vietnam. Preceding his twenty-third mission he was shot down, captured, and was tortured as a prisoner of war for five and a half years. (Kennedy, 2002, p. 249) Throughout the course of these years he was brutalized and beaten physically and mentally. Senator McCain’s experience under the insurgence of his captors cultivated his opinion of the unjust implications of torture. â€Å"Vietnam ignored its obligations to mistreat the Americans they held prisoner, claiming that we were engaged in an unlawful war against them and thus not entitled to the protections of the Geneva Conventions. † (McCain, 1999, p. 376) McCain’s narrative told from his first person point view provides its audience with a soldier’s perspective. In Faith of Our Fathers personalizes the Vietnam War with his experiences as a POW. The soldiers in McCain’s narrative act as a model example of a United States Soldier in Vietnam. â€Å"I will never forget that I am an American, fighting for freedom, responsible for my actions, and dedicated to the principles which made my country free†¦Ã¢â‚¬  (McCain, 1999, p. 376) John McCain exemplified these traits from the United States Code of Conduct for American Prisoners of War. His story stands as a representation of the courage that the soldiers carried during the war. The horrifying description of torture dealt to both McCain and his fellow compatriots’ shows the inhumanity that went on. The account of Lance Sijan, a Captain in the Air Force, is particularly compelling to the audience. He was shot down in Vietnam sustaining several injuries. Shortly after, he was captured by Viet Cong. â€Å"Interrogated several times, he refused to say anything. He was savagely beaten for his silence†¦and struck with a bamboo club. † (McCain, 1999, p. 383) Despite the continued abuse that was placed on Sijan he refused to surrender his loyalty to his country. The way he and many other soldiers conducted themselves in spite of these conditions shows a different side of the war. A side that varies from the common perception of a Vietnam soldier as being abnormal and deranged. These soldiers were dedicated to their purpose and their country. John McCain’s atypical narrative stems a better understanding of the Vietnam War for our generation. Much like and much different than Faith of Our Fathers, La Fin d’un Cauchemar by Nguyen Qui Duc shows a different side of the Vietnam War that generates a different respect and understanding for the war itself. In La Fin d’un Cauchemar tells the story of a Vietnamese family, more importantly, the Vietnamese father and how his imprisonment in North Vietnam has an affect on the family. Duc’s father was imprisoned for over 12 years. During this period of time Nguyen’s family struggled in the communist lead society. La Fin d’un Cauchemar shows the experiences of a Vietnamese family in the light of what was going on around them. The Duc family stands representative of struggling Vietnamese families during the Vietnam War. Nguyen’s family was burdened with oppression, illness, and an imprisoned father. After two years of not knowing the well-being or whereabouts of her father, Nguyen’s mother received a letter with the information that her husband was alive and imprisoned in a North Vietnamese POW camp. Nguyen’s mother â€Å"†¦fought for two months to get a permit to visit [her] father, and then wait just as long to get train tickets on the black market. † (Duc, 1994, p. 419) The communist government of Vietnam dictated her family’s every move. The Vietnamese were severely oppressed. Following Nguyen’s mothers visitation of her father, the family was weighed down by illness and discontent. Nguyen’s mother spent time and money visiting her father and in doing so injured herself. Nguyen’s mothers’ ankle injury became infected and at the same time her sister was dieing of kidney failure. Nguyen’s family was encumbered with problems. Nguyen Qui Duc’s narrative shows us an alternative side to the war. One that didn’t deal with soldiers or battle. Duc’s rarely narrated point of view places the reader in the perspective of the Vietnamese civilian. Our opinions are often distorted by outside sources. Outlets like movies skew our understanding of issues like the Vietnam War. Michael Medved (2005) a nationally syndicated radio talk show host, author of 10 books, and film critic says that â€Å"It is far more common in contemporary war films, regardless of the conflict being depicted, for the three elements of the classic war movie to be turned on their heads. U. S. troops are more likely than not to be portrayed as sick, warped, and demented-in any case, very different from normal Americans. † (Medved, 2005, p. 53) Movies, a major source for our generation’s knowledge and familiarity of the Vietnam War, lack credibility and prove to be inconsistent. Duc’s story is one not even touched upon in movies. Most often movies are filmed through the eyes of the American soldiers. The perspective of the Vietnamese people is never witnessed. Individual first person accounts provide us with a concrete perspective of insiders that movies cannot. These two Vietnam narratives display different perspectives of the Vietnam War. One being the point of view of an American soldier and the other being a Vietnamese family. The personal experiences of these characters help us to understand the war itself. Our generation can learn from these experiences by reading and acknowledging the first hand retellings of Vietnam. These narratives offer a real perspective of the Vietnam War, much different from that of the twisted and glamorized Hollywood angle. First person Vietnam narratives are the most insightful and dignified pieces of historical context we can obtain. While is necessary to recognize the bigger scheme of things it is important to understand the perspectives of the individuals involved on both sides, in order to put the Vietnam War itself in perspective. Reference Kennedy, C (2002). Profiles in Courage for Our Time. New York: Hyperion Books. McCain J. Salter M. 2006) Preface from Faith of My Fathers. In K. Ratcliffe (Ed. ), Critical Literacies (3rd ed. , p 374-387) Boston: Pearson Custom. (Reprinted from Faith of My Fathers, (1999), Random House, Inc. Copyright 1999 by John McCain. ) Medved, M. , (2005). They don’t make war movies like they used to. USA Today, 134, 52-55. Nguyen Qui Du’c. (2006). La Fin d’un Cauchemar. In K. Ratcliffe (Ed. ), Critical Literacies (3rd ed. , p 418-425) Boston: Pearson Custom. (Reprinted from Where the Ashes are: The Odyssey of a Vietnamese Family (1994), by Permission of the Author) How to cite First Person Ranks First: John Mccain a War Point of View, Essays

Key Health Issues in Singapore

Question: Discuss about the Key Health Issues in Singapore. Answer: Singapore is one of the developed countries in the world have a sound healthcare system for its citizens and it is being taken care by the government and are supported by few private healthcare sectors. It got sixth position in the ranking of World Health organization for being the most efficient healthcare system in the world in the year 2014. Healthcare system in Singapore is considered to be one of the unique systems and is is considered very hard to replicate the same. Presently, Singapore like other developed countries, it also facing the vital diseases like cancer, heart disorders or the disease related to the cerebro-vascular disorders. In Singapore, life expectancy is about 82 years, demonstrating a supported development up from 78 years in 2000 and 76 years in 1990. Singapore experiences couple of physical perils, however has one of the world's most open economies which, combined with a high populace thickness, makes the nation highly exposed against episodes of epidemic contagious illness, for example, severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) flared-up in 2003 and influenza A (H1N1) outbreak in 2009 (Holzmann and Koettl 2014). In light of this exposure, the Ministry of Health keeps up an extensive and settled arrangement of illness observation and control under the Infectious Diseases Act. The Ministry of Health has admittance to a surveillance framework able to do permitting early location of potential contagious disease hazards (Kamimura et al. 2016). This, consolidated with close connections with the World Health Organization, permits the Ministry of Health to identify and track epidemics around the world, per mitting a rapid reaction to contagious disease rising. Health care institutions and medical workers are likewise kept updated of potential dangers in an offer to guarantee readiness. Cancer, heart related disease and cerebrovascular sickness, remain the main sources of mortality rather than the 1950s, when contagious illness like TB were among the main sources. Cancer occurrence rates, which represented 30% of all deaths in 2008, have been lessening gradually since the mid 1980s for males (Abdin et al. 2013). Whereas, occurrence rate for females have aggregated, because of increase in breast and colorectal cancers. The pervasiveness of incurable illnesses in Singapore, for example, diabetes and hypertension, decreased within the years between 1992 and 2010, and additionally risk components including smoking, physical latency, obesity and high amount of cholesterol. Singapore, as one of the most developed nations, is confronting rising issues from a ageing populace. The government has set up the Ministerial Committee on Ageing (MCA) to initiate an 'entire of government' reaction to the convenience and difficulties displayed by this evolving demographic. The primary part of the MCA is to advance ageing in-place, whereby seniors are offered support and help inside a knitted community (Health Promotion Board, 2017). This is done to some extent through building a comprehensive situation, which is making the city 'age-accommodating', and giving great care, including health care inside the comprehensive setting. Forming set ups, like MCA for the ageing committees then we can overcome the key health issues that are being faced by the country. References Abdin, E., Subramaniam, M., Vaingankar, J.A., Luo, N. and Chong, S.A., 2013. Measuring health-related quality of life among adults in Singapore: population norms for the EQ-5D. Quality of Life Research, 22(10), pp.2983-2991. Health Promotion Board. (2017). Corporate website of the Health Promotion Board, Singapore. [online] Available at: https://www.hpb.gov.sg/ [Accessed 31 Mar. 2017]. Holzmann, R. and Koettl, J., 2014. Portability of pension, health, and other social benefits: Facts, concepts, and issues. CESifo Economic Studies, p.ift017. Kamimura, A., Nourian, M.M., Assasnik, N. and Franchek-Roa, K., 2016. Intimate partner violencerelated experiences and mental health among college students in Japan, Singapore, South Korea and Taiwan. International journal of social psychiatry, 62(3), pp.262-270.

The Black Cat Essays - Fiction With Unreliable Narrators

The Black Cat The Black Cat Essay The Romantic period has numerous characteristics that help to distinguish it from other literary periods. A large majority of the pieces found in this period have at least one of the distinctive elements. Edgar Allan Poe uses a few of these elements to put a time frame on his short story, The Black Cat. Poe begins his short story by saying that For the most wild, yet most homely narrative which I am about to pen, I neither expect nor solicit belief. A big characteristic of Romanticism is a willing suspension of disbelief. It is never even thought that the plot to the story would be taken as being true, but rather as a made up story to get the attention of the reader. This also allows the reader to imagine if such a case were to actually occur. Each word that is read is meant to be doubted, and thought of as being absolutely bizarre, and with each new twist more doubt is created. Escapism, another key factor in Romanticism, is seen throughout the short story. The m ain character, who is never specifically identified, is running from his life by drinking alcohol. The alcohol eventually leads to the destruction of the first black cat, Pluto. The man felt the need to escape from Pluto even though the animal was one of his most beloved pets. His wife and the second cat are being run from merely for the disturbing conscious that they provide for him. Bizarre and unusual plots are often found in the Romantic period, and Poe does not hold back in his efforts. To deliberately cut the cats eye out of its socket is both bizarre and unusual regardless of being intoxicated or not. Even further, to hang the cat by a noose is ranked borderline for insanity. But the most abnormal act is that of getting rid of your wife by creating a tomb in the walls of your home would definitely be insane. Such acts are used in this literary piece to illustrate clearly that many factors weigh in to the different writing periods. The Romantic period, known for such elements as improbable plots and unlikely characters, is an important era in literature. Poe used a very unusual plot to create a vivid image of what the Romantic period truly was, and his work will be looked at for years to come English Essays

Fredrick Douglass essays

Fredrick Douglass essays He devoted his life to the abolition of slavery; this man was Frederick Douglass. Douglass was born in 1818 in Tuckahoe, Maryland. He was born into slavery and named Frederick Augustus Washington Bailey. Fredericks mother, Harriet Bailey, was also a slave, who worked in the cotton fields all day long. His old grandmother mainly raised him. Lets take a closer look into a great mans life in the 1800s. Frederick Douglass was best known for his non-violent struggle for blacks freedom and rights. Douglass was a brilliant speaker. He spoke all over northern America about the abolition of slavery. After escaping slavery and moving to Rochester, New York he started the first of his two newspapers: The North Star. This was a very popular antislavery newspaper. He also had many conferences about slavery. Some conferences included talks with President Abraham Lincoln. Lincoln and Douglass shared many of the same views on slavery and black rights. During the Civil War, Douglass served as an adviser to President Lincoln. He also fought for the adoption of constitutional amendments such as the guaranteed civil liberties, and voting rights for blacks. During the Civil War, Douglass served as a major stationmaster for the Underground Railroad. He helped hundreds of runaway slaves escape to upstate New York and Quebec Canada. In Douglass later years he was involved in many governme nt services throughout the United States. In 1872, Douglass moved to the District of Columbia where he served as publisher of the New National Era. This was intended to carry out the work of elevating the position of black African Americans. Later he served briefly as U.S. Marshal for the District of Columbia and held diplomatic positions in Haiti and Dominican Republic. Douglass unfortunately had many negative influences in his life about slavery. As a slave for his first twenty years of life he saw how p...

Developments in Biology Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Developments in Biology - Essay Example Later in 1953 Crick and Watson invented double helix model of DNA. RNA and DNA invention led to the comprehensive understanding of human behavioral characteristics and appearance. The central dogma also helped in this regard. However the field of genetic engineering made outstanding achievements. Paul Berg and co-workers created the first recombinant DNA molecule (PNAS) in 1972. In 1977, Allan Maxam and Walter Gilbert at Harvard University and Frederick Sanger at the U.K. Medical Research Council (MRC) independently develop methods for sequencing DNA. The development of human genome project can be said to be the culmination of advances in the field of human genetics. In 1980, David Botstein, Ronald Davis, Mark Skolnick and Ray White proposed a method to map the entire human genome based on RFLPs which can be considered as the starting point of human genome project ideology. In 1984, MRC scientists decipher the complete DNA sequence of the Epstein-Barr virus, 170 kb. Later in 1985, Kary Mullis and colleagues developed PCR, a technique to replicate vast amounts of DNA. In 1986, Leroy Hood and Lloyd Smith of the California Institute of Technology (Caltech) and colleagues came up with the first automated DNA sequencing machine. In 1987, Helen Donis-Keller and colleagues at Collaborative Research Inc. published the "first" genetic map with 403 markers, sparking a fight over credit and priority (Leslie Roberts, 2001). Similarly, in 1992, U.S. and French teams completed genetic maps of mouse and human and mouse followed by the publication of a complete genetic linkage map of the human genome. One more important finding was in 1995, researchers at Whitehead published a physical map of the human genome containing 15,000 markers. Later in 1996, An international consortium publicly released the complete genome sequence of the yeast S. cerevisiae. Later Yoshihide Hayashizakis group at RIKEN completed the first set of full-length mouse

Russia and Central Asian Water by John C.K. Daly Assignment

Russia and Central Asian Water by John C.K. Daly - Assignment Example In the meantime, Russian economic security has been depleted by the loss of many of its previous territories, these â€Å"Stan† nations, and therefore cannot invest currently in creating a cascade system so that all nations can enjoy this scarce resource. Uzbekistan and others who support this particular country’s position believe that the freshwater reserves should be classified as transboundary rivers which make them open to international rules and regulations regarding its usage. However, this appears to be a weak argument that does not meet with appropriate resolution under diplomatic strategy. A scarce resource such as water which is needed desperately for human health reasons and food production seems to make individuals proverbially grasp at straws as a means to ensure their continued longevity, agricultural health and human survival. In an effort to try to deal with the issue and formulate some diplomatic or economic solution, five countries in the region create d the Interstate Coordinating Water Commission in 1992 to try to create a solution that would best fit every country’s needs (Daly). However, after many meetings since its inception, hardly any regionally-based solution has been developed, thus allowing these disputes to continue. The main problem in this case is that no nation who is disputing the water’s usage maintains the economic resources, financially, to ensure that appropriate facilities are created to better allocate this scarce resource.

History of the Palestinian Conflict

History of the Palestinian Conflict In order to have a thorough understanding of the Palestinian problem, events in the early 20th century, prior to 1948 (Israeli independence) should be closely examined and understood. Many historians mark the first act which led to the Palestinian problem as the Balfour Declaration in 1917. There, it was announced that Britain shall support in the goals of Zionists, and therein strive to create a Jewish homeland in Palestine, His Majestys Government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people[1]. With Jewish spirits high all over the Jewish Diaspora, the third Aliyah (influx of Jews to Palestine) took place in 1919[2]. The number of Jews gradually increased in Palestine, and by 1947, the 11% population of Jews increased to a healthy 33%[3]. The immediate cause of the Palestinian problem is often dated to November 29th 1947, on which the UN announced that the British Mandate of Palestine would be divided into separate Arab and Jewish states[4]. The decree sparked great outrage from Arab nations, but was a warmly welcomed decision from the Jews and other European and North American States. Two pinnacle wars then followed which would directly influence into the Palestinian problem. The Civil War first took place as an immediate reaction eleven days after the UNs declaration. Jewish victory then led war lead to two events: the Israeli Declaration of Independence on May the 14th 1948 and the beginning of An-Nakabah, the Palestinian Exodus. In first phase of the Palestinian Exodus, 125,000 were evicted or fled from their homes, and were prevented from returning[5]. The second war that followed was the Arab-Israeli War of 1948. In this war, Israel was to face a grand Arab coalition which denounced its independence. A decisive Israeli victory, and a disastrous Arab defeat increased the final number of the Palestinian exodus to a staggering 750 000 Palestinians. By the middle of the 20th century, State of Israel was firmly established upon the former Palestinian territories, and many Palestinian settlements were either depopulated or destroyed. Hence, the Palestinian problem was herein created; an issue of Palestinians, their state, homeland, refugees, and also Palestinian-Israeli co-existence in Palestine and the stance of Jerusalem, is all to exist until this very day. Yasser Arafat and the Creation of Fatah: Born on 24 August 1929, in Cairo, Egypt, Yasser Arafat was the son of Palestinian parent[6]. During the Arab-Israeli conflict of 1948, he went to Palestine to join the fighting. His role in the Palestinian problem begins early on in his political life when in 1958, Arafat, with a number of his Palestinian colleagues in Kuwait, corroborated and formed the militant group Fatah. The group was dedicated to liberate Palestine by Palestinians with a means of force. The idea was to eliminate Zionist Israel re-establish Palestinian homeland and resolve the Palestinian problem. Until this very day, Fatahs main goal is, complete liberation of Palestine, and eradication of Zionist economic, political, military and cultural existence.[7] A Means of Force, to Settle to Problem: The Rise of Fatah, the PLO and the 70s: In the Six Day War, Fatah did play a small role in the fighting against the Israel. The humiliating Arab defeat further broke Arab morale especially that of the Palestinians who consequently lost trust in the united Arab resolution. But Fatah was to have its first main military encounter with Israel in the Battle of Karameh on March 21st 1968. With Fatah growing in stature, organised raid were conducted against Israeli settlements. Israels retaliation was to raid the Jordanian city of Karameh, a newly made stronghold for Fatah[8]. Though the battle was a military victory for Israel, it was seen as a somewhat physiological victory for Fatah. Abdallah Frangi (a Palestinian leader at the time) labelled it the political and military turning point in the Palestinian resistance, especially for Fatah.[9] Arab support was rallied behind the group, and Arafat was able to garner a number of Palestinian recruits for his group. Fatah was inducted into the PLO in 1967, and in 1969, Yasser Arafat became chairman of the PLO. Arafat transformed the organisation into becoming a strong independent organisation intended to make Palestinian appeals be heard by the world[10]. He therein became the ultimate leader of the Palestinian resurgence. By 1970, Yasser Arafat was deeply engaging in his arms resolution of the Palestinian problem. Raids into Israeli territories were organised regularly and Fatah was became an increased threat to Israel. In Arafats and Fatahs prime years of the 70s, both the PLO and Mossad (The Israeli Intelligence Agency) engaged in terrorist style warfare against each other. The Mossads known for several key assassinations, such as that of Ghassan Kanafani [11], (writer and spokesman for the Popular Front of the Liberation of Palestine, considered the second largest group in the PLO after Fatah) and Dr Wadie Haddad[12] (leader of the PFLP.) For the PLO, the Fatah group, Black September were one of the key groups engaging in such activities[13]. One of the most famous works of Black September was the abduction and assassination of 11 Israeli athletes in the 1972 Munich Olympic Games[14]. Though Arafat has never been proven to be part of the attacks, Israeli and American authorities often associate him to them. Analysis of Arafats Forceful Resolve: A number of western sources agree that Yasser Arafat tried to resolve the Palestinian problem through a means of terrorism. Its stated that he saw in terrorism, not of the horrific murders, but rather a means of gaining recognition for Palestine and Palestinian struggle. Barry and Judith Rubin, authors of Yasser Arafat: A Political Biography state, He had seen how it [terrorism] mobilized Palestinian and Arab support for the PLO; raised the Palestine issues international priority; prevented other Arab states from negotiating peace with Israel, and made many western leaders eager to appease him.[15] Often using the Fatah subgroup, Black September, there are claims that Arafat often approved operations and stemmed funds to them[16]. The argument also states that Arafat consistently throughout his life would deny such acts, thereby having a remarkable ability to escape responsibility for the terrorism he committed.[17] These views clearly classify Arafats armed approach in dealing with the Palestinian problem as acts of terrorism. They proclaim that Arafat, as a terrorist, used fear antic to drive his goal of dealing with the Palestinian struggle. The alternative view, in that Arafat was a freedom fighter is believed by many other historians and writers. Its a stance expressed by one of the closest people to Arafat, Bassam Abu Sharif (Senior Advisor to Yasser Arafat.) In his book, Arafat and the Dream for Palestine, he states, In my opinion, people in the west saw Arafat through the negative propaganda which rather painted Arafat as a terrorist, rather than a freedom fighter[18]. With the Palestinian problem ignored early on by many western countries[19], it indeed was Arafat who rather globalised the issue, made it a phenomenon everyone needed to solve. This is seen to make Arafats armed role in dealing with the Palestinian problem a pivotal one. These arguments also highlight Arafat as being the sole power in the Palestinian revival following the Six Day War, It was in these disheartening circumstances that the Palestinian revival began. There was little doubt that Arafats was the decisive voice[20]. Also, those which Arafat commanded are perceived as freedom fighters by some, Yasser Arafat, who had emerged as a significant figure in the Palestinian struggle for liberation, recruited young people to the resistance movement. In 1970, Palestinian freedom fighters took control of the Gaza Strip Yasser Arafat hence provided Palestinian revitalisation in the Palestinian problem, hereby making his armed role an extremely important one. As quoted by Stephen Howe, Without the Arafat of the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s, there might well not have been a Palestinian national movement at all. Evaluation: Surely, Arafats armed solution is interpreted differently by different cultures and people. Arafats emergence was in bloody early days of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, a time when sympathy of Palestinians and their struggle was widespread in the Muslim world whereas backing and support was provided to Israel by many western states. This makes the Palestinian debate a 2 sided debate, and consequently, an evaluation of Arafat is often affected by emotion and bias by the opposing parties. Arafats armed resolution of the Palestinian problem isnt a clear cut issue of neither terrorism nor political fanaticism. Two issues must be understood to drive this point; firstly, Arafats activities as a militant rather than a terrorist. An analysis of Yasser Arafats activates prove that he rather was present and an active member in raids and attacks against the Israeli army and troops and rather not in the alleged terrorist attacks of the PLO. Also, since he never was proven to be a terrorist, it can never be claimed he was indeed a terrorist. Secondly, a distinction must be made between the activates of Arafat and those of his bodyguards and Fatah colleagues. Often, the actions of both are confused, and when an attack by Fatah insurgents is carried of, its often stated that Arafat himself was part of then. Its true that Yasser Arafats role as leader of Palestinian spurred some to extremism, but it must be understood, though his Fatah colleagues did engaged in terrorism, he didnt. Yasser Arafat armed role in dealing with the Palestine problem should not be seen as of radicalism or extremism in thought and intent. Arafats armed struggle, though did not solve the issue, did in fact bring some results. His armed struggle brought a resurgence of the people of Palestine. With the united Arab response being habitually useless (by constant Arab defeat and loss to Israel,) only a Palestinian response seemed to solution. This but rather needed the revival of the Palestinian hope, which was severely crushed by the mid 1960 (especially with the loss of Jerusalem.) Though ludicrous it may sound, Palestinian revitalisation would not have occurred through peaceful means. The reason for this was that Palestinians where irritated and demoralised by the constant disappointment in the outcomes of Arab negotiations concerning their struggle. A symbol of an armed struggle would only then revitalise these frustrated Palestinians. With the creation of Fatah, (to liberate Palestine by Palestinians) Arafats armed struggle brought this Palestinian resurgence. Arafat also united the Palestinian people, under his armed struggle, a strong step in dealing with the Palestinian problem. In essence, hadnt this revitalisation occurred, the State of Palestine would not have been created, and future talks of peace and co-existence would not have occurred. But it should be clearly understood, that Arafat did not achieve his intended aim in his armed approach. A Peaceful Resolve for the Palestinian Problem: A Change in Contention, Olso and Camp David: In 1974, the PLO executive committee including Arafat drew up The Ten Point Program[21]. By many, is considered as the first peaceful initiative taken by Arafat to resolve the Palestinian Problem. It was a decree calling for Israel to return back liberated[22] Palestinian lands. The declaration wasnt one of change in direction, though was unique in that it did show Arafat to have a way of dealing with the problem through negotiations. The Ten Point Program was to be followed by more years of violence. After years of unrest with the rise of the terrorist group Hamas and notably the coming into being of First Intifada (which Arafat associated himself to); on the 13th and 14th of December 1988, Arafat announces a change of thought. He formally recognised the State of Israel, renounced terrorism, and revealed intentions of seeking peaceful negotiations in managing the Palestinian problem[23]. A month earlier, the Palestinian National Council (led by Arafat) announces and proclaims The Palestinian Declaration of Independence[24]. It was a new direction for Arafat in settling the Palestinian problem. In 1993 marks a historical event in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, as the first direct talks between Israeli and Palestinian leaders took place in Oslo, Norway. The talks were very secretive, with Yasser Arafat and Yitzhak Rabik with their top ministers negotiating in terms to co-exist peacefully. Issues such as the withdrawal of Israeli troops from Palestinian territories, Palestinian elections, economic cooperation and regional development were all discussed. Both parties agreed on the status of each, the rights of each other, and their intentions to co-exist. With the help of the Clinton government, on 13th of September 1993, the Oslo Accord was signed. It was thought to be the basis of all future talks between both. In 2000, continuing talks took place between Israel and Palestine at Camp David, in order to finalise the conditions of the Oslo Accord[25]. The talks were to therein define the boundaries of Israel and Palestine. The status of Jerusalem (a key aspect of the Palestinian problem) was the hindrance point in the talks. In regards to the possession of Jerusalem, both parties were unable to agree on a compromise, hence making the Camp David talks a failure. Analysis of Arafats Peaceful Resolve: Arafats change in approach in dealing with the Palestinian approach (i.e. seeking peaceful measures) has often incurred various interpretations. One particular arguement is that Arafat changed his strategy of armed approach to a peaceful one in order to fool others and drive his own agenda of securing Palestinian homeland. It was a typical Arafat style solution. By being so ambiguous about his methods and goals, Arafat could hope to convince the west that he was ready for peace and convince his own colleagues that he was determined to continue the struggle[26]. These views hereby make Arafats change in approach a somewhat deceitful trick that rather had true initiative. A different viewpoint states that Arafat was rather pressured by Israeli and American officials to denounce an armed approach and terrorism[27]. Throughout the Oslo Accords, its stated that Arafat was the weaker party, and that he was rather accepted terms and condition which Israel modelled[28]. This argument thereby makes Arafats peaceful resolution of the Palestinian problem not an intuitive of his, but rather a pressure he had to comply with. In regards to the Camp David Summit, a many historians believed it was doomed to fail. Kamrava argues that both parties thought they were giving up more to the other, while the other wasnt being reasonable[29] in their compromise[30].Hence, in dealing with the most controversial issue of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, the issue of Jerusalem, there was never to be an agreement. Hence, Arafats peaceful resolve of the Palestinian problem was always doomed to fail. Nevertheless, there are others, such as Bassim Abu Sherif, who says that the new peace path was rather genuine and promising. He claims though the US authorities did put down demands for Yasser Arafat, Arafat rather wanted his announcement to first be supported by for the PLO and Palestinians, then flexible to US demands, It was clear that Arafat wanted to be flexible enough to meet American demands, but he also wanted to make sure that he had the approval of the majority of the PLO executive committee to preserve the democracy of the decision making process of the PLO.[31] It was clear that Arafat was aware that by this time, both he and Palestinians were exhausted from fighting. Hence, this different approach in dealing with the Palestinian struggle might be interpreted as a new path, thereby creating new opportunities in dealing with the Palestinian problem. Evaluation: Arafats change in means resolving the Palestinian problem is also an issue of debate. The question of why change in direction and whether it was genuine is truly the discussion. But a deduction of Arafats activities brings an understanding of genuinity. Hence, his role in trying to resolve the Palestinian problem is herein magnified by his actions of this new resolve. Its evident that with years of unrest and the lack of advancement in resolving the Palestinian problem, Arafat needed to find a new resolve. He needed to settle the Palestinian crisis that now nearly turned into internal feuding. So, by understanding this dire need of change, it must be clear that he, Arafat, chose to change the idea of an armed struggle. It seems that he neither needed the pressure of Israel or the U.S. but rather chose to do it because of situation of the Palestinian people. Hence, it makes the resolution a genuine on Arafats part. Therefore, we see in Arafats change in thought his striving quest of solving the Palestinian problem. Arafats role in dealing with the Palestinian problem could further be evaluated by his actions at Oslo and Camp David. First of all, he dealt with the issue of Palestinian homeland in Palestine with the Oslo Accord. In this regard, Arafat failed to clearly resolve the issue, due to the vagueness of the matter he agreed on. This leads to the next issue of Jerusalem. Arafats Oslo agreements failure is exacerbated by the fact that the continuation of Oslo, (Camp David) broke down with the issue of Jerusalem. This issue of Israeli-Palestinian co-existence was spoken of the most in both talks, but without decisively dealing with this tension point issues, Arafat was doomed to fail. Hence, though Arafat tried to drive and resolve the Palestinian problem peacefully, he achieve no more than his armed resolution. Bibliography: Books: Lukacs, Yehuda, 1992, The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict a documentary record 1967-1990, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Barry Rubin Judith Colp Rubin, 2003, Arafat: A Political Biography, Oxford University Press, Inc, New York. Bassam Abu Sharif, 2009, Arafat and the Dream for Palestine, Palgrave Macmillan, New York. T.G. Fraser, 2008, The Arab-Israeli conflict, 3rd ed., Palgrave Macmillan, New York. Brown, Nathan. J, 2003, Palestinian Politics after the Oslo Accord: Arab Palestine, University of Californian Press, London, England. Dan Cohn-Sherbok Dawoud El-Alami (eds), 2008, The Palestine-Israeli Conflict, Oneworld Publication, Oxford, England. Mehran Kamrava, 2005, The Modern Middle East, University of California Press, Ltd, London England. Mark Tesseler, 1994, A History Of The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, Indiana University Press, Bloomington, USA, Journals: Simha Flapan, 1987, The Palestinian Exodus of 1948, Vol. 16, No. 4 (Summer, 1987),University of California Press. Websites: UN Partition Plan, 2001, Retrieved 25th January, 2010, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/in_depth/middle_east/israel_and_the_palestinians/key_documents/1681322.stm Yasser Arafat, Retrieved 25th January, 2010, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yasser_Arafat/ Timeline: Yasser Arafat, 2004, Retrieved 25th January, 2010, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/4004859.stm Political Program Adopted at the 12th Session of the Palestine National Council Cairo, 8 June 1974, Retrieved 26th January, 2010, http://www.un.int/palestine/PLO/docone.html Muin Rabbani, 2000, Encyclopedia Of The Palestinians: Biography of Gassan Kanafani, Retrieved 26th January, 2010, http://www.palestineremembered.com/Acre/Acre/Story168.html Poisoned Mossad chocolate killed PFLP leader in 1977, says book, 2006, Retrieved 26th January, 2010, http://web.archive.org/web/20060517211510/http://metimes.com/articles/normal.php?StoryID=20060505-102327-8910r Terrorist Organisation Profile: Black September,2007, University of Maryland, Retrieved 26th January, 2010, http://www.start.umd.edu/start/data/tops/terrorist_organization_profile.asp?id=153 Arafat at the UN general Assembly, 2009, Retrieved 27th January, 2010, http://www.al-bab.com/arab/docs/pal/pal5.htm Prof. Francis A. Boyle, 2006 Palestine Independence Day, Retrieved 27th January, 2010, http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=vaaid=3864 Why did the PLO suddenly decide, in 1988, that Israel had a right to exist?, Retrieved 27th January, 2010, http://www.palestinefacts.org/pf_1967to1991_plo_israel_exist_1988.php The Balfour Declaration, Retrieved 20th February, 2010, http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/Peace+Process/Guide+to+the+Peace+Process/The+Balfour+Declaration.htm The Population of Palestine Prior to 1948, Retrieved 20th February, 2010, http://www.mideastweb.org/palpop.htm Fateh Constitution, Retrieved 20th February, 2010, http://www.alzaytouna.net/arabic/?c=1598a=97061 The Israeli Camp David II Proposal for Final Settlement, Retrieved 20th February, 2010, http://www.mideastweb.org/campdavid2.htm The Balfour Decleration, http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/Peace+Process/Guide+to+the+Peace+Process/The+Balfour+Declaration.htm The Third Aliyah, http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/Immigration/Third_Aliyah.html The Population of Palestine Prior to 1948, http://www.mideastweb.org/palpop.htm UN Partition Plan, 2001, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/in_depth/middle_east/israel_and_the_palestinians/key_documents/1681322.stm Simha Flapan, 1987, The Palestinian Exodus of 1948, Vol. 16, No. 4 (Summer, 1987), pp. 3-26,University of California Press. Yasser Arafat, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yasser_Arafat/ Fateh Constitution, http://www.alzaytouna.net/arabic/?c=1598a=97061 Mark Tesseler, A History Of The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, Indiana University Press, Bloomington, USA, 1994, pg. 425 Ibid, pg.426 Yasser Arafat, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yasser_Arafat/ Muin Rabbani, 2000, Encyclopedia Of The Palestinians: Biography of Gassan Kanafani, http://www.palestineremembered.com/Acre/Acre/Story168.html Poisoned Mossad chocolate killed PFLP leader in 1977, says book, 2006, http://web.archive.org/web/20060517211510/http://metimes.com/articles/normal.php?StoryID=20060505-102327-8910r. Terrorist Organisation Profile: Black September, 2007, University of Maryland http://www.start.umd.edu/start/data/tops/terrorist_organization_profile.asp?id=153 ibid Barry Rubin, Judith Colp Rubin, Arafat: A Political Biography, Oxford University Press, Inc, New York, 2003, pg.61 Ibid, pg.61 Ibid, pg.63 Bassam Abu Sharif, Arafat and the Dream for Palestine, Palgrave Macmillan, New York, 2009, pg. T.G. Fraser, The Arab-Israeli conflict, 3rd ed., Palgrave Macmillan, New York, 2008, pg.57 Ibid, pg.88 Political Program Adopted at the 12th Session of the Palestine National Council Cairo, 8 June 1974, http://www.un.int/palestine/PLO/docone.html ibid Arafat at the UN general Assembly, 2009, http://www.al-bab.com/arab/docs/pal/pal5.htm Prof. Francis A. Boyle, 2006 Palestine Independence Day, http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=vaaid=3864 The Israeli Camp David II Proposal for Final Settlement, http://www.mideastweb.org/campdavid2.htm Rubin, op.cit., pg.113 Why did the PLO suddenly decide, in 1988, that Israel had a right to exist?, http://www.palestinefacts.org/pf_1967to1991_plo_israel_exist_1988.php Mehran Kamrava, The Modern Middle East, University of California Press, Ltd, London England, 2005, pg. 243-244 Ibid, pg.248 ibid Abu Sharif, op.cit., pg.183 History of the Palestinian Conflict History of the Palestinian Conflict In order to have a thorough understanding of the Palestinian problem, events in the early 20th century, prior to 1948 (Israeli independence) should be closely examined and understood. Many historians mark the first act which led to the Palestinian problem as the Balfour Declaration in 1917. There, it was announced that Britain shall support in the goals of Zionists, and therein strive to create a Jewish homeland in Palestine, His Majestys Government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people[1]. With Jewish spirits high all over the Jewish Diaspora, the third Aliyah (influx of Jews to Palestine) took place in 1919[2]. The number of Jews gradually increased in Palestine, and by 1947, the 11% population of Jews increased to a healthy 33%[3]. The immediate cause of the Palestinian problem is often dated to November 29th 1947, on which the UN announced that the British Mandate of Palestine would be divided into separate Arab and Jewish states[4]. The decree sparked great outrage from Arab nations, but was a warmly welcomed decision from the Jews and other European and North American States. Two pinnacle wars then followed which would directly influence into the Palestinian problem. The Civil War first took place as an immediate reaction eleven days after the UNs declaration. Jewish victory then led war lead to two events: the Israeli Declaration of Independence on May the 14th 1948 and the beginning of An-Nakabah, the Palestinian Exodus. In first phase of the Palestinian Exodus, 125,000 were evicted or fled from their homes, and were prevented from returning[5]. The second war that followed was the Arab-Israeli War of 1948. In this war, Israel was to face a grand Arab coalition which denounced its independence. A decisive Israeli victory, and a disastrous Arab defeat increased the final number of the Palestinian exodus to a staggering 750 000 Palestinians. By the middle of the 20th century, State of Israel was firmly established upon the former Palestinian territories, and many Palestinian settlements were either depopulated or destroyed. Hence, the Palestinian problem was herein created; an issue of Palestinians, their state, homeland, refugees, and also Palestinian-Israeli co-existence in Palestine and the stance of Jerusalem, is all to exist until this very day. Yasser Arafat and the Creation of Fatah: Born on 24 August 1929, in Cairo, Egypt, Yasser Arafat was the son of Palestinian parent[6]. During the Arab-Israeli conflict of 1948, he went to Palestine to join the fighting. His role in the Palestinian problem begins early on in his political life when in 1958, Arafat, with a number of his Palestinian colleagues in Kuwait, corroborated and formed the militant group Fatah. The group was dedicated to liberate Palestine by Palestinians with a means of force. The idea was to eliminate Zionist Israel re-establish Palestinian homeland and resolve the Palestinian problem. Until this very day, Fatahs main goal is, complete liberation of Palestine, and eradication of Zionist economic, political, military and cultural existence.[7] A Means of Force, to Settle to Problem: The Rise of Fatah, the PLO and the 70s: In the Six Day War, Fatah did play a small role in the fighting against the Israel. The humiliating Arab defeat further broke Arab morale especially that of the Palestinians who consequently lost trust in the united Arab resolution. But Fatah was to have its first main military encounter with Israel in the Battle of Karameh on March 21st 1968. With Fatah growing in stature, organised raid were conducted against Israeli settlements. Israels retaliation was to raid the Jordanian city of Karameh, a newly made stronghold for Fatah[8]. Though the battle was a military victory for Israel, it was seen as a somewhat physiological victory for Fatah. Abdallah Frangi (a Palestinian leader at the time) labelled it the political and military turning point in the Palestinian resistance, especially for Fatah.[9] Arab support was rallied behind the group, and Arafat was able to garner a number of Palestinian recruits for his group. Fatah was inducted into the PLO in 1967, and in 1969, Yasser Arafat became chairman of the PLO. Arafat transformed the organisation into becoming a strong independent organisation intended to make Palestinian appeals be heard by the world[10]. He therein became the ultimate leader of the Palestinian resurgence. By 1970, Yasser Arafat was deeply engaging in his arms resolution of the Palestinian problem. Raids into Israeli territories were organised regularly and Fatah was became an increased threat to Israel. In Arafats and Fatahs prime years of the 70s, both the PLO and Mossad (The Israeli Intelligence Agency) engaged in terrorist style warfare against each other. The Mossads known for several key assassinations, such as that of Ghassan Kanafani [11], (writer and spokesman for the Popular Front of the Liberation of Palestine, considered the second largest group in the PLO after Fatah) and Dr Wadie Haddad[12] (leader of the PFLP.) For the PLO, the Fatah group, Black September were one of the key groups engaging in such activities[13]. One of the most famous works of Black September was the abduction and assassination of 11 Israeli athletes in the 1972 Munich Olympic Games[14]. Though Arafat has never been proven to be part of the attacks, Israeli and American authorities often associate him to them. Analysis of Arafats Forceful Resolve: A number of western sources agree that Yasser Arafat tried to resolve the Palestinian problem through a means of terrorism. Its stated that he saw in terrorism, not of the horrific murders, but rather a means of gaining recognition for Palestine and Palestinian struggle. Barry and Judith Rubin, authors of Yasser Arafat: A Political Biography state, He had seen how it [terrorism] mobilized Palestinian and Arab support for the PLO; raised the Palestine issues international priority; prevented other Arab states from negotiating peace with Israel, and made many western leaders eager to appease him.[15] Often using the Fatah subgroup, Black September, there are claims that Arafat often approved operations and stemmed funds to them[16]. The argument also states that Arafat consistently throughout his life would deny such acts, thereby having a remarkable ability to escape responsibility for the terrorism he committed.[17] These views clearly classify Arafats armed approach in dealing with the Palestinian problem as acts of terrorism. They proclaim that Arafat, as a terrorist, used fear antic to drive his goal of dealing with the Palestinian struggle. The alternative view, in that Arafat was a freedom fighter is believed by many other historians and writers. Its a stance expressed by one of the closest people to Arafat, Bassam Abu Sharif (Senior Advisor to Yasser Arafat.) In his book, Arafat and the Dream for Palestine, he states, In my opinion, people in the west saw Arafat through the negative propaganda which rather painted Arafat as a terrorist, rather than a freedom fighter[18]. With the Palestinian problem ignored early on by many western countries[19], it indeed was Arafat who rather globalised the issue, made it a phenomenon everyone needed to solve. This is seen to make Arafats armed role in dealing with the Palestinian problem a pivotal one. These arguments also highlight Arafat as being the sole power in the Palestinian revival following the Six Day War, It was in these disheartening circumstances that the Palestinian revival began. There was little doubt that Arafats was the decisive voice[20]. Also, those which Arafat commanded are perceived as freedom fighters by some, Yasser Arafat, who had emerged as a significant figure in the Palestinian struggle for liberation, recruited young people to the resistance movement. In 1970, Palestinian freedom fighters took control of the Gaza Strip Yasser Arafat hence provided Palestinian revitalisation in the Palestinian problem, hereby making his armed role an extremely important one. As quoted by Stephen Howe, Without the Arafat of the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s, there might well not have been a Palestinian national movement at all. Evaluation: Surely, Arafats armed solution is interpreted differently by different cultures and people. Arafats emergence was in bloody early days of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, a time when sympathy of Palestinians and their struggle was widespread in the Muslim world whereas backing and support was provided to Israel by many western states. This makes the Palestinian debate a 2 sided debate, and consequently, an evaluation of Arafat is often affected by emotion and bias by the opposing parties. Arafats armed resolution of the Palestinian problem isnt a clear cut issue of neither terrorism nor political fanaticism. Two issues must be understood to drive this point; firstly, Arafats activities as a militant rather than a terrorist. An analysis of Yasser Arafats activates prove that he rather was present and an active member in raids and attacks against the Israeli army and troops and rather not in the alleged terrorist attacks of the PLO. Also, since he never was proven to be a terrorist, it can never be claimed he was indeed a terrorist. Secondly, a distinction must be made between the activates of Arafat and those of his bodyguards and Fatah colleagues. Often, the actions of both are confused, and when an attack by Fatah insurgents is carried of, its often stated that Arafat himself was part of then. Its true that Yasser Arafats role as leader of Palestinian spurred some to extremism, but it must be understood, though his Fatah colleagues did engaged in terrorism, he didnt. Yasser Arafat armed role in dealing with the Palestine problem should not be seen as of radicalism or extremism in thought and intent. Arafats armed struggle, though did not solve the issue, did in fact bring some results. His armed struggle brought a resurgence of the people of Palestine. With the united Arab response being habitually useless (by constant Arab defeat and loss to Israel,) only a Palestinian response seemed to solution. This but rather needed the revival of the Palestinian hope, which was severely crushed by the mid 1960 (especially with the loss of Jerusalem.) Though ludicrous it may sound, Palestinian revitalisation would not have occurred through peaceful means. The reason for this was that Palestinians where irritated and demoralised by the constant disappointment in the outcomes of Arab negotiations concerning their struggle. A symbol of an armed struggle would only then revitalise these frustrated Palestinians. With the creation of Fatah, (to liberate Palestine by Palestinians) Arafats armed struggle brought this Palestinian resurgence. Arafat also united the Palestinian people, under his armed struggle, a strong step in dealing with the Palestinian problem. In essence, hadnt this revitalisation occurred, the State of Palestine would not have been created, and future talks of peace and co-existence would not have occurred. But it should be clearly understood, that Arafat did not achieve his intended aim in his armed approach. A Peaceful Resolve for the Palestinian Problem: A Change in Contention, Olso and Camp David: In 1974, the PLO executive committee including Arafat drew up The Ten Point Program[21]. By many, is considered as the first peaceful initiative taken by Arafat to resolve the Palestinian Problem. It was a decree calling for Israel to return back liberated[22] Palestinian lands. The declaration wasnt one of change in direction, though was unique in that it did show Arafat to have a way of dealing with the problem through negotiations. The Ten Point Program was to be followed by more years of violence. After years of unrest with the rise of the terrorist group Hamas and notably the coming into being of First Intifada (which Arafat associated himself to); on the 13th and 14th of December 1988, Arafat announces a change of thought. He formally recognised the State of Israel, renounced terrorism, and revealed intentions of seeking peaceful negotiations in managing the Palestinian problem[23]. A month earlier, the Palestinian National Council (led by Arafat) announces and proclaims The Palestinian Declaration of Independence[24]. It was a new direction for Arafat in settling the Palestinian problem. In 1993 marks a historical event in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, as the first direct talks between Israeli and Palestinian leaders took place in Oslo, Norway. The talks were very secretive, with Yasser Arafat and Yitzhak Rabik with their top ministers negotiating in terms to co-exist peacefully. Issues such as the withdrawal of Israeli troops from Palestinian territories, Palestinian elections, economic cooperation and regional development were all discussed. Both parties agreed on the status of each, the rights of each other, and their intentions to co-exist. With the help of the Clinton government, on 13th of September 1993, the Oslo Accord was signed. It was thought to be the basis of all future talks between both. In 2000, continuing talks took place between Israel and Palestine at Camp David, in order to finalise the conditions of the Oslo Accord[25]. The talks were to therein define the boundaries of Israel and Palestine. The status of Jerusalem (a key aspect of the Palestinian problem) was the hindrance point in the talks. In regards to the possession of Jerusalem, both parties were unable to agree on a compromise, hence making the Camp David talks a failure. Analysis of Arafats Peaceful Resolve: Arafats change in approach in dealing with the Palestinian approach (i.e. seeking peaceful measures) has often incurred various interpretations. One particular arguement is that Arafat changed his strategy of armed approach to a peaceful one in order to fool others and drive his own agenda of securing Palestinian homeland. It was a typical Arafat style solution. By being so ambiguous about his methods and goals, Arafat could hope to convince the west that he was ready for peace and convince his own colleagues that he was determined to continue the struggle[26]. These views hereby make Arafats change in approach a somewhat deceitful trick that rather had true initiative. A different viewpoint states that Arafat was rather pressured by Israeli and American officials to denounce an armed approach and terrorism[27]. Throughout the Oslo Accords, its stated that Arafat was the weaker party, and that he was rather accepted terms and condition which Israel modelled[28]. This argument thereby makes Arafats peaceful resolution of the Palestinian problem not an intuitive of his, but rather a pressure he had to comply with. In regards to the Camp David Summit, a many historians believed it was doomed to fail. Kamrava argues that both parties thought they were giving up more to the other, while the other wasnt being reasonable[29] in their compromise[30].Hence, in dealing with the most controversial issue of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, the issue of Jerusalem, there was never to be an agreement. Hence, Arafats peaceful resolve of the Palestinian problem was always doomed to fail. Nevertheless, there are others, such as Bassim Abu Sherif, who says that the new peace path was rather genuine and promising. He claims though the US authorities did put down demands for Yasser Arafat, Arafat rather wanted his announcement to first be supported by for the PLO and Palestinians, then flexible to US demands, It was clear that Arafat wanted to be flexible enough to meet American demands, but he also wanted to make sure that he had the approval of the majority of the PLO executive committee to preserve the democracy of the decision making process of the PLO.[31] It was clear that Arafat was aware that by this time, both he and Palestinians were exhausted from fighting. Hence, this different approach in dealing with the Palestinian struggle might be interpreted as a new path, thereby creating new opportunities in dealing with the Palestinian problem. Evaluation: Arafats change in means resolving the Palestinian problem is also an issue of debate. The question of why change in direction and whether it was genuine is truly the discussion. But a deduction of Arafats activities brings an understanding of genuinity. Hence, his role in trying to resolve the Palestinian problem is herein magnified by his actions of this new resolve. Its evident that with years of unrest and the lack of advancement in resolving the Palestinian problem, Arafat needed to find a new resolve. He needed to settle the Palestinian crisis that now nearly turned into internal feuding. So, by understanding this dire need of change, it must be clear that he, Arafat, chose to change the idea of an armed struggle. It seems that he neither needed the pressure of Israel or the U.S. but rather chose to do it because of situation of the Palestinian people. Hence, it makes the resolution a genuine on Arafats part. Therefore, we see in Arafats change in thought his striving quest of solving the Palestinian problem. Arafats role in dealing with the Palestinian problem could further be evaluated by his actions at Oslo and Camp David. First of all, he dealt with the issue of Palestinian homeland in Palestine with the Oslo Accord. In this regard, Arafat failed to clearly resolve the issue, due to the vagueness of the matter he agreed on. This leads to the next issue of Jerusalem. Arafats Oslo agreements failure is exacerbated by the fact that the continuation of Oslo, (Camp David) broke down with the issue of Jerusalem. This issue of Israeli-Palestinian co-existence was spoken of the most in both talks, but without decisively dealing with this tension point issues, Arafat was doomed to fail. Hence, though Arafat tried to drive and resolve the Palestinian problem peacefully, he achieve no more than his armed resolution. Bibliography: Books: Lukacs, Yehuda, 1992, The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict a documentary record 1967-1990, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Barry Rubin Judith Colp Rubin, 2003, Arafat: A Political Biography, Oxford University Press, Inc, New York. Bassam Abu Sharif, 2009, Arafat and the Dream for Palestine, Palgrave Macmillan, New York. T.G. Fraser, 2008, The Arab-Israeli conflict, 3rd ed., Palgrave Macmillan, New York. Brown, Nathan. J, 2003, Palestinian Politics after the Oslo Accord: Arab Palestine, University of Californian Press, London, England. Dan Cohn-Sherbok Dawoud El-Alami (eds), 2008, The Palestine-Israeli Conflict, Oneworld Publication, Oxford, England. Mehran Kamrava, 2005, The Modern Middle East, University of California Press, Ltd, London England. Mark Tesseler, 1994, A History Of The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, Indiana University Press, Bloomington, USA, Journals: Simha Flapan, 1987, The Palestinian Exodus of 1948, Vol. 16, No. 4 (Summer, 1987),University of California Press. Websites: UN Partition Plan, 2001, Retrieved 25th January, 2010, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/in_depth/middle_east/israel_and_the_palestinians/key_documents/1681322.stm Yasser Arafat, Retrieved 25th January, 2010, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yasser_Arafat/ Timeline: Yasser Arafat, 2004, Retrieved 25th January, 2010, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/4004859.stm Political Program Adopted at the 12th Session of the Palestine National Council Cairo, 8 June 1974, Retrieved 26th January, 2010, http://www.un.int/palestine/PLO/docone.html Muin Rabbani, 2000, Encyclopedia Of The Palestinians: Biography of Gassan Kanafani, Retrieved 26th January, 2010, http://www.palestineremembered.com/Acre/Acre/Story168.html Poisoned Mossad chocolate killed PFLP leader in 1977, says book, 2006, Retrieved 26th January, 2010, http://web.archive.org/web/20060517211510/http://metimes.com/articles/normal.php?StoryID=20060505-102327-8910r Terrorist Organisation Profile: Black September,2007, University of Maryland, Retrieved 26th January, 2010, http://www.start.umd.edu/start/data/tops/terrorist_organization_profile.asp?id=153 Arafat at the UN general Assembly, 2009, Retrieved 27th January, 2010, http://www.al-bab.com/arab/docs/pal/pal5.htm Prof. Francis A. Boyle, 2006 Palestine Independence Day, Retrieved 27th January, 2010, http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=vaaid=3864 Why did the PLO suddenly decide, in 1988, that Israel had a right to exist?, Retrieved 27th January, 2010, http://www.palestinefacts.org/pf_1967to1991_plo_israel_exist_1988.php The Balfour Declaration, Retrieved 20th February, 2010, http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/Peace+Process/Guide+to+the+Peace+Process/The+Balfour+Declaration.htm The Population of Palestine Prior to 1948, Retrieved 20th February, 2010, http://www.mideastweb.org/palpop.htm Fateh Constitution, Retrieved 20th February, 2010, http://www.alzaytouna.net/arabic/?c=1598a=97061 The Israeli Camp David II Proposal for Final Settlement, Retrieved 20th February, 2010, http://www.mideastweb.org/campdavid2.htm The Balfour Decleration, http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/Peace+Process/Guide+to+the+Peace+Process/The+Balfour+Declaration.htm The Third Aliyah, http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/Immigration/Third_Aliyah.html The Population of Palestine Prior to 1948, http://www.mideastweb.org/palpop.htm UN Partition Plan, 2001, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/in_depth/middle_east/israel_and_the_palestinians/key_documents/1681322.stm Simha Flapan, 1987, The Palestinian Exodus of 1948, Vol. 16, No. 4 (Summer, 1987), pp. 3-26,University of California Press. Yasser Arafat, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yasser_Arafat/ Fateh Constitution, http://www.alzaytouna.net/arabic/?c=1598a=97061 Mark Tesseler, A History Of The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, Indiana University Press, Bloomington, USA, 1994, pg. 425 Ibid, pg.426 Yasser Arafat, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yasser_Arafat/ Muin Rabbani, 2000, Encyclopedia Of The Palestinians: Biography of Gassan Kanafani, http://www.palestineremembered.com/Acre/Acre/Story168.html Poisoned Mossad chocolate killed PFLP leader in 1977, says book, 2006, http://web.archive.org/web/20060517211510/http://metimes.com/articles/normal.php?StoryID=20060505-102327-8910r. Terrorist Organisation Profile: Black September, 2007, University of Maryland http://www.start.umd.edu/start/data/tops/terrorist_organization_profile.asp?id=153 ibid Barry Rubin, Judith Colp Rubin, Arafat: A Political Biography, Oxford University Press, Inc, New York, 2003, pg.61 Ibid, pg.61 Ibid, pg.63 Bassam Abu Sharif, Arafat and the Dream for Palestine, Palgrave Macmillan, New York, 2009, pg. T.G. Fraser, The Arab-Israeli conflict, 3rd ed., Palgrave Macmillan, New York, 2008, pg.57 Ibid, pg.88 Political Program Adopted at the 12th Session of the Palestine National Council Cairo, 8 June 1974, http://www.un.int/palestine/PLO/docone.html ibid Arafat at the UN general Assembly, 2009, http://www.al-bab.com/arab/docs/pal/pal5.htm Prof. Francis A. Boyle, 2006 Palestine Independence Day, http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=vaaid=3864 The Israeli Camp David II Proposal for Final Settlement, http://www.mideastweb.org/campdavid2.htm Rubin, op.cit., pg.113 Why did the PLO suddenly decide, in 1988, that Israel had a right to exist?, http://www.palestinefacts.org/pf_1967to1991_plo_israel_exist_1988.php Mehran Kamrava, The Modern Middle East, University of California Press, Ltd, London England, 2005, pg. 243-244 Ibid, pg.248 ibid Abu Sharif, op.cit., pg.183