History of the Palestinian Conflict

History of the Palestinian Conflict In order to have a thorough understanding of the Palestinian problem, events in the early 20th century, prior to 1948 (Israeli independence) should be closely examined and understood. Many historians mark the first act which led to the Palestinian problem as the Balfour Declaration in 1917. There, it was announced that Britain shall support in the goals of Zionists, and therein strive to create a Jewish homeland in Palestine, His Majestys Government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people[1]. With Jewish spirits high all over the Jewish Diaspora, the third Aliyah (influx of Jews to Palestine) took place in 1919[2]. The number of Jews gradually increased in Palestine, and by 1947, the 11% population of Jews increased to a healthy 33%[3]. The immediate cause of the Palestinian problem is often dated to November 29th 1947, on which the UN announced that the British Mandate of Palestine would be divided into separate Arab and Jewish states[4]. The decree sparked great outrage from Arab nations, but was a warmly welcomed decision from the Jews and other European and North American States. Two pinnacle wars then followed which would directly influence into the Palestinian problem. The Civil War first took place as an immediate reaction eleven days after the UNs declaration. Jewish victory then led war lead to two events: the Israeli Declaration of Independence on May the 14th 1948 and the beginning of An-Nakabah, the Palestinian Exodus. In first phase of the Palestinian Exodus, 125,000 were evicted or fled from their homes, and were prevented from returning[5]. The second war that followed was the Arab-Israeli War of 1948. In this war, Israel was to face a grand Arab coalition which denounced its independence. A decisive Israeli victory, and a disastrous Arab defeat increased the final number of the Palestinian exodus to a staggering 750 000 Palestinians. By the middle of the 20th century, State of Israel was firmly established upon the former Palestinian territories, and many Palestinian settlements were either depopulated or destroyed. Hence, the Palestinian problem was herein created; an issue of Palestinians, their state, homeland, refugees, and also Palestinian-Israeli co-existence in Palestine and the stance of Jerusalem, is all to exist until this very day. Yasser Arafat and the Creation of Fatah: Born on 24 August 1929, in Cairo, Egypt, Yasser Arafat was the son of Palestinian parent[6]. During the Arab-Israeli conflict of 1948, he went to Palestine to join the fighting. His role in the Palestinian problem begins early on in his political life when in 1958, Arafat, with a number of his Palestinian colleagues in Kuwait, corroborated and formed the militant group Fatah. The group was dedicated to liberate Palestine by Palestinians with a means of force. The idea was to eliminate Zionist Israel re-establish Palestinian homeland and resolve the Palestinian problem. Until this very day, Fatahs main goal is, complete liberation of Palestine, and eradication of Zionist economic, political, military and cultural existence.[7] A Means of Force, to Settle to Problem: The Rise of Fatah, the PLO and the 70s: In the Six Day War, Fatah did play a small role in the fighting against the Israel. The humiliating Arab defeat further broke Arab morale especially that of the Palestinians who consequently lost trust in the united Arab resolution. But Fatah was to have its first main military encounter with Israel in the Battle of Karameh on March 21st 1968. With Fatah growing in stature, organised raid were conducted against Israeli settlements. Israels retaliation was to raid the Jordanian city of Karameh, a newly made stronghold for Fatah[8]. Though the battle was a military victory for Israel, it was seen as a somewhat physiological victory for Fatah. Abdallah Frangi (a Palestinian leader at the time) labelled it the political and military turning point in the Palestinian resistance, especially for Fatah.[9] Arab support was rallied behind the group, and Arafat was able to garner a number of Palestinian recruits for his group. Fatah was inducted into the PLO in 1967, and in 1969, Yasser Arafat became chairman of the PLO. Arafat transformed the organisation into becoming a strong independent organisation intended to make Palestinian appeals be heard by the world[10]. He therein became the ultimate leader of the Palestinian resurgence. By 1970, Yasser Arafat was deeply engaging in his arms resolution of the Palestinian problem. Raids into Israeli territories were organised regularly and Fatah was became an increased threat to Israel. In Arafats and Fatahs prime years of the 70s, both the PLO and Mossad (The Israeli Intelligence Agency) engaged in terrorist style warfare against each other. The Mossads known for several key assassinations, such as that of Ghassan Kanafani [11], (writer and spokesman for the Popular Front of the Liberation of Palestine, considered the second largest group in the PLO after Fatah) and Dr Wadie Haddad[12] (leader of the PFLP.) For the PLO, the Fatah group, Black September were one of the key groups engaging in such activities[13]. One of the most famous works of Black September was the abduction and assassination of 11 Israeli athletes in the 1972 Munich Olympic Games[14]. Though Arafat has never been proven to be part of the attacks, Israeli and American authorities often associate him to them. Analysis of Arafats Forceful Resolve: A number of western sources agree that Yasser Arafat tried to resolve the Palestinian problem through a means of terrorism. Its stated that he saw in terrorism, not of the horrific murders, but rather a means of gaining recognition for Palestine and Palestinian struggle. Barry and Judith Rubin, authors of Yasser Arafat: A Political Biography state, He had seen how it [terrorism] mobilized Palestinian and Arab support for the PLO; raised the Palestine issues international priority; prevented other Arab states from negotiating peace with Israel, and made many western leaders eager to appease him.[15] Often using the Fatah subgroup, Black September, there are claims that Arafat often approved operations and stemmed funds to them[16]. The argument also states that Arafat consistently throughout his life would deny such acts, thereby having a remarkable ability to escape responsibility for the terrorism he committed.[17] These views clearly classify Arafats armed approach in dealing with the Palestinian problem as acts of terrorism. They proclaim that Arafat, as a terrorist, used fear antic to drive his goal of dealing with the Palestinian struggle. The alternative view, in that Arafat was a freedom fighter is believed by many other historians and writers. Its a stance expressed by one of the closest people to Arafat, Bassam Abu Sharif (Senior Advisor to Yasser Arafat.) In his book, Arafat and the Dream for Palestine, he states, In my opinion, people in the west saw Arafat through the negative propaganda which rather painted Arafat as a terrorist, rather than a freedom fighter[18]. With the Palestinian problem ignored early on by many western countries[19], it indeed was Arafat who rather globalised the issue, made it a phenomenon everyone needed to solve. This is seen to make Arafats armed role in dealing with the Palestinian problem a pivotal one. These arguments also highlight Arafat as being the sole power in the Palestinian revival following the Six Day War, It was in these disheartening circumstances that the Palestinian revival began. There was little doubt that Arafats was the decisive voice[20]. Also, those which Arafat commanded are perceived as freedom fighters by some, Yasser Arafat, who had emerged as a significant figure in the Palestinian struggle for liberation, recruited young people to the resistance movement. In 1970, Palestinian freedom fighters took control of the Gaza Strip Yasser Arafat hence provided Palestinian revitalisation in the Palestinian problem, hereby making his armed role an extremely important one. As quoted by Stephen Howe, Without the Arafat of the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s, there might well not have been a Palestinian national movement at all. Evaluation: Surely, Arafats armed solution is interpreted differently by different cultures and people. Arafats emergence was in bloody early days of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, a time when sympathy of Palestinians and their struggle was widespread in the Muslim world whereas backing and support was provided to Israel by many western states. This makes the Palestinian debate a 2 sided debate, and consequently, an evaluation of Arafat is often affected by emotion and bias by the opposing parties. Arafats armed resolution of the Palestinian problem isnt a clear cut issue of neither terrorism nor political fanaticism. Two issues must be understood to drive this point; firstly, Arafats activities as a militant rather than a terrorist. An analysis of Yasser Arafats activates prove that he rather was present and an active member in raids and attacks against the Israeli army and troops and rather not in the alleged terrorist attacks of the PLO. Also, since he never was proven to be a terrorist, it can never be claimed he was indeed a terrorist. Secondly, a distinction must be made between the activates of Arafat and those of his bodyguards and Fatah colleagues. Often, the actions of both are confused, and when an attack by Fatah insurgents is carried of, its often stated that Arafat himself was part of then. Its true that Yasser Arafats role as leader of Palestinian spurred some to extremism, but it must be understood, though his Fatah colleagues did engaged in terrorism, he didnt. Yasser Arafat armed role in dealing with the Palestine problem should not be seen as of radicalism or extremism in thought and intent. Arafats armed struggle, though did not solve the issue, did in fact bring some results. His armed struggle brought a resurgence of the people of Palestine. With the united Arab response being habitually useless (by constant Arab defeat and loss to Israel,) only a Palestinian response seemed to solution. This but rather needed the revival of the Palestinian hope, which was severely crushed by the mid 1960 (especially with the loss of Jerusalem.) Though ludicrous it may sound, Palestinian revitalisation would not have occurred through peaceful means. The reason for this was that Palestinians where irritated and demoralised by the constant disappointment in the outcomes of Arab negotiations concerning their struggle. A symbol of an armed struggle would only then revitalise these frustrated Palestinians. With the creation of Fatah, (to liberate Palestine by Palestinians) Arafats armed struggle brought this Palestinian resurgence. Arafat also united the Palestinian people, under his armed struggle, a strong step in dealing with the Palestinian problem. In essence, hadnt this revitalisation occurred, the State of Palestine would not have been created, and future talks of peace and co-existence would not have occurred. But it should be clearly understood, that Arafat did not achieve his intended aim in his armed approach. A Peaceful Resolve for the Palestinian Problem: A Change in Contention, Olso and Camp David: In 1974, the PLO executive committee including Arafat drew up The Ten Point Program[21]. By many, is considered as the first peaceful initiative taken by Arafat to resolve the Palestinian Problem. It was a decree calling for Israel to return back liberated[22] Palestinian lands. The declaration wasnt one of change in direction, though was unique in that it did show Arafat to have a way of dealing with the problem through negotiations. The Ten Point Program was to be followed by more years of violence. After years of unrest with the rise of the terrorist group Hamas and notably the coming into being of First Intifada (which Arafat associated himself to); on the 13th and 14th of December 1988, Arafat announces a change of thought. He formally recognised the State of Israel, renounced terrorism, and revealed intentions of seeking peaceful negotiations in managing the Palestinian problem[23]. A month earlier, the Palestinian National Council (led by Arafat) announces and proclaims The Palestinian Declaration of Independence[24]. It was a new direction for Arafat in settling the Palestinian problem. In 1993 marks a historical event in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, as the first direct talks between Israeli and Palestinian leaders took place in Oslo, Norway. The talks were very secretive, with Yasser Arafat and Yitzhak Rabik with their top ministers negotiating in terms to co-exist peacefully. Issues such as the withdrawal of Israeli troops from Palestinian territories, Palestinian elections, economic cooperation and regional development were all discussed. Both parties agreed on the status of each, the rights of each other, and their intentions to co-exist. With the help of the Clinton government, on 13th of September 1993, the Oslo Accord was signed. It was thought to be the basis of all future talks between both. In 2000, continuing talks took place between Israel and Palestine at Camp David, in order to finalise the conditions of the Oslo Accord[25]. The talks were to therein define the boundaries of Israel and Palestine. The status of Jerusalem (a key aspect of the Palestinian problem) was the hindrance point in the talks. In regards to the possession of Jerusalem, both parties were unable to agree on a compromise, hence making the Camp David talks a failure. Analysis of Arafats Peaceful Resolve: Arafats change in approach in dealing with the Palestinian approach (i.e. seeking peaceful measures) has often incurred various interpretations. One particular arguement is that Arafat changed his strategy of armed approach to a peaceful one in order to fool others and drive his own agenda of securing Palestinian homeland. It was a typical Arafat style solution. By being so ambiguous about his methods and goals, Arafat could hope to convince the west that he was ready for peace and convince his own colleagues that he was determined to continue the struggle[26]. These views hereby make Arafats change in approach a somewhat deceitful trick that rather had true initiative. A different viewpoint states that Arafat was rather pressured by Israeli and American officials to denounce an armed approach and terrorism[27]. Throughout the Oslo Accords, its stated that Arafat was the weaker party, and that he was rather accepted terms and condition which Israel modelled[28]. This argument thereby makes Arafats peaceful resolution of the Palestinian problem not an intuitive of his, but rather a pressure he had to comply with. In regards to the Camp David Summit, a many historians believed it was doomed to fail. Kamrava argues that both parties thought they were giving up more to the other, while the other wasnt being reasonable[29] in their compromise[30].Hence, in dealing with the most controversial issue of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, the issue of Jerusalem, there was never to be an agreement. Hence, Arafats peaceful resolve of the Palestinian problem was always doomed to fail. Nevertheless, there are others, such as Bassim Abu Sherif, who says that the new peace path was rather genuine and promising. He claims though the US authorities did put down demands for Yasser Arafat, Arafat rather wanted his announcement to first be supported by for the PLO and Palestinians, then flexible to US demands, It was clear that Arafat wanted to be flexible enough to meet American demands, but he also wanted to make sure that he had the approval of the majority of the PLO executive committee to preserve the democracy of the decision making process of the PLO.[31] It was clear that Arafat was aware that by this time, both he and Palestinians were exhausted from fighting. Hence, this different approach in dealing with the Palestinian struggle might be interpreted as a new path, thereby creating new opportunities in dealing with the Palestinian problem. Evaluation: Arafats change in means resolving the Palestinian problem is also an issue of debate. The question of why change in direction and whether it was genuine is truly the discussion. But a deduction of Arafats activities brings an understanding of genuinity. Hence, his role in trying to resolve the Palestinian problem is herein magnified by his actions of this new resolve. Its evident that with years of unrest and the lack of advancement in resolving the Palestinian problem, Arafat needed to find a new resolve. He needed to settle the Palestinian crisis that now nearly turned into internal feuding. So, by understanding this dire need of change, it must be clear that he, Arafat, chose to change the idea of an armed struggle. It seems that he neither needed the pressure of Israel or the U.S. but rather chose to do it because of situation of the Palestinian people. Hence, it makes the resolution a genuine on Arafats part. Therefore, we see in Arafats change in thought his striving quest of solving the Palestinian problem. Arafats role in dealing with the Palestinian problem could further be evaluated by his actions at Oslo and Camp David. First of all, he dealt with the issue of Palestinian homeland in Palestine with the Oslo Accord. In this regard, Arafat failed to clearly resolve the issue, due to the vagueness of the matter he agreed on. This leads to the next issue of Jerusalem. Arafats Oslo agreements failure is exacerbated by the fact that the continuation of Oslo, (Camp David) broke down with the issue of Jerusalem. This issue of Israeli-Palestinian co-existence was spoken of the most in both talks, but without decisively dealing with this tension point issues, Arafat was doomed to fail. Hence, though Arafat tried to drive and resolve the Palestinian problem peacefully, he achieve no more than his armed resolution. Bibliography: Books: Lukacs, Yehuda, 1992, The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict a documentary record 1967-1990, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Barry Rubin Judith Colp Rubin, 2003, Arafat: A Political Biography, Oxford University Press, Inc, New York. Bassam Abu Sharif, 2009, Arafat and the Dream for Palestine, Palgrave Macmillan, New York. T.G. Fraser, 2008, The Arab-Israeli conflict, 3rd ed., Palgrave Macmillan, New York. Brown, Nathan. J, 2003, Palestinian Politics after the Oslo Accord: Arab Palestine, University of Californian Press, London, England. Dan Cohn-Sherbok Dawoud El-Alami (eds), 2008, The Palestine-Israeli Conflict, Oneworld Publication, Oxford, England. Mehran Kamrava, 2005, The Modern Middle East, University of California Press, Ltd, London England. Mark Tesseler, 1994, A History Of The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, Indiana University Press, Bloomington, USA, Journals: Simha Flapan, 1987, The Palestinian Exodus of 1948, Vol. 16, No. 4 (Summer, 1987),University of California Press. Websites: UN Partition Plan, 2001, Retrieved 25th January, 2010, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/in_depth/middle_east/israel_and_the_palestinians/key_documents/1681322.stm Yasser Arafat, Retrieved 25th January, 2010, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yasser_Arafat/ Timeline: Yasser Arafat, 2004, Retrieved 25th January, 2010, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/4004859.stm Political Program Adopted at the 12th Session of the Palestine National Council Cairo, 8 June 1974, Retrieved 26th January, 2010, http://www.un.int/palestine/PLO/docone.html Muin Rabbani, 2000, Encyclopedia Of The Palestinians: Biography of Gassan Kanafani, Retrieved 26th January, 2010, http://www.palestineremembered.com/Acre/Acre/Story168.html Poisoned Mossad chocolate killed PFLP leader in 1977, says book, 2006, Retrieved 26th January, 2010, http://web.archive.org/web/20060517211510/http://metimes.com/articles/normal.php?StoryID=20060505-102327-8910r Terrorist Organisation Profile: Black September,2007, University of Maryland, Retrieved 26th January, 2010, http://www.start.umd.edu/start/data/tops/terrorist_organization_profile.asp?id=153 Arafat at the UN general Assembly, 2009, Retrieved 27th January, 2010, http://www.al-bab.com/arab/docs/pal/pal5.htm Prof. Francis A. Boyle, 2006 Palestine Independence Day, Retrieved 27th January, 2010, http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=vaaid=3864 Why did the PLO suddenly decide, in 1988, that Israel had a right to exist?, Retrieved 27th January, 2010, http://www.palestinefacts.org/pf_1967to1991_plo_israel_exist_1988.php The Balfour Declaration, Retrieved 20th February, 2010, http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/Peace+Process/Guide+to+the+Peace+Process/The+Balfour+Declaration.htm The Population of Palestine Prior to 1948, Retrieved 20th February, 2010, http://www.mideastweb.org/palpop.htm Fateh Constitution, Retrieved 20th February, 2010, http://www.alzaytouna.net/arabic/?c=1598a=97061 The Israeli Camp David II Proposal for Final Settlement, Retrieved 20th February, 2010, http://www.mideastweb.org/campdavid2.htm The Balfour Decleration, http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/Peace+Process/Guide+to+the+Peace+Process/The+Balfour+Declaration.htm The Third Aliyah, http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/Immigration/Third_Aliyah.html The Population of Palestine Prior to 1948, http://www.mideastweb.org/palpop.htm UN Partition Plan, 2001, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/in_depth/middle_east/israel_and_the_palestinians/key_documents/1681322.stm Simha Flapan, 1987, The Palestinian Exodus of 1948, Vol. 16, No. 4 (Summer, 1987), pp. 3-26,University of California Press. Yasser Arafat, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yasser_Arafat/ Fateh Constitution, http://www.alzaytouna.net/arabic/?c=1598a=97061 Mark Tesseler, A History Of The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, Indiana University Press, Bloomington, USA, 1994, pg. 425 Ibid, pg.426 Yasser Arafat, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yasser_Arafat/ Muin Rabbani, 2000, Encyclopedia Of The Palestinians: Biography of Gassan Kanafani, http://www.palestineremembered.com/Acre/Acre/Story168.html Poisoned Mossad chocolate killed PFLP leader in 1977, says book, 2006, http://web.archive.org/web/20060517211510/http://metimes.com/articles/normal.php?StoryID=20060505-102327-8910r. Terrorist Organisation Profile: Black September, 2007, University of Maryland http://www.start.umd.edu/start/data/tops/terrorist_organization_profile.asp?id=153 ibid Barry Rubin, Judith Colp Rubin, Arafat: A Political Biography, Oxford University Press, Inc, New York, 2003, pg.61 Ibid, pg.61 Ibid, pg.63 Bassam Abu Sharif, Arafat and the Dream for Palestine, Palgrave Macmillan, New York, 2009, pg. T.G. Fraser, The Arab-Israeli conflict, 3rd ed., Palgrave Macmillan, New York, 2008, pg.57 Ibid, pg.88 Political Program Adopted at the 12th Session of the Palestine National Council Cairo, 8 June 1974, http://www.un.int/palestine/PLO/docone.html ibid Arafat at the UN general Assembly, 2009, http://www.al-bab.com/arab/docs/pal/pal5.htm Prof. Francis A. Boyle, 2006 Palestine Independence Day, http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=vaaid=3864 The Israeli Camp David II Proposal for Final Settlement, http://www.mideastweb.org/campdavid2.htm Rubin, op.cit., pg.113 Why did the PLO suddenly decide, in 1988, that Israel had a right to exist?, http://www.palestinefacts.org/pf_1967to1991_plo_israel_exist_1988.php Mehran Kamrava, The Modern Middle East, University of California Press, Ltd, London England, 2005, pg. 243-244 Ibid, pg.248 ibid Abu Sharif, op.cit., pg.183 History of the Palestinian Conflict History of the Palestinian Conflict In order to have a thorough understanding of the Palestinian problem, events in the early 20th century, prior to 1948 (Israeli independence) should be closely examined and understood. Many historians mark the first act which led to the Palestinian problem as the Balfour Declaration in 1917. There, it was announced that Britain shall support in the goals of Zionists, and therein strive to create a Jewish homeland in Palestine, His Majestys Government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people[1]. With Jewish spirits high all over the Jewish Diaspora, the third Aliyah (influx of Jews to Palestine) took place in 1919[2]. The number of Jews gradually increased in Palestine, and by 1947, the 11% population of Jews increased to a healthy 33%[3]. The immediate cause of the Palestinian problem is often dated to November 29th 1947, on which the UN announced that the British Mandate of Palestine would be divided into separate Arab and Jewish states[4]. The decree sparked great outrage from Arab nations, but was a warmly welcomed decision from the Jews and other European and North American States. Two pinnacle wars then followed which would directly influence into the Palestinian problem. The Civil War first took place as an immediate reaction eleven days after the UNs declaration. Jewish victory then led war lead to two events: the Israeli Declaration of Independence on May the 14th 1948 and the beginning of An-Nakabah, the Palestinian Exodus. In first phase of the Palestinian Exodus, 125,000 were evicted or fled from their homes, and were prevented from returning[5]. The second war that followed was the Arab-Israeli War of 1948. In this war, Israel was to face a grand Arab coalition which denounced its independence. A decisive Israeli victory, and a disastrous Arab defeat increased the final number of the Palestinian exodus to a staggering 750 000 Palestinians. By the middle of the 20th century, State of Israel was firmly established upon the former Palestinian territories, and many Palestinian settlements were either depopulated or destroyed. Hence, the Palestinian problem was herein created; an issue of Palestinians, their state, homeland, refugees, and also Palestinian-Israeli co-existence in Palestine and the stance of Jerusalem, is all to exist until this very day. Yasser Arafat and the Creation of Fatah: Born on 24 August 1929, in Cairo, Egypt, Yasser Arafat was the son of Palestinian parent[6]. During the Arab-Israeli conflict of 1948, he went to Palestine to join the fighting. His role in the Palestinian problem begins early on in his political life when in 1958, Arafat, with a number of his Palestinian colleagues in Kuwait, corroborated and formed the militant group Fatah. The group was dedicated to liberate Palestine by Palestinians with a means of force. The idea was to eliminate Zionist Israel re-establish Palestinian homeland and resolve the Palestinian problem. Until this very day, Fatahs main goal is, complete liberation of Palestine, and eradication of Zionist economic, political, military and cultural existence.[7] A Means of Force, to Settle to Problem: The Rise of Fatah, the PLO and the 70s: In the Six Day War, Fatah did play a small role in the fighting against the Israel. The humiliating Arab defeat further broke Arab morale especially that of the Palestinians who consequently lost trust in the united Arab resolution. But Fatah was to have its first main military encounter with Israel in the Battle of Karameh on March 21st 1968. With Fatah growing in stature, organised raid were conducted against Israeli settlements. Israels retaliation was to raid the Jordanian city of Karameh, a newly made stronghold for Fatah[8]. Though the battle was a military victory for Israel, it was seen as a somewhat physiological victory for Fatah. Abdallah Frangi (a Palestinian leader at the time) labelled it the political and military turning point in the Palestinian resistance, especially for Fatah.[9] Arab support was rallied behind the group, and Arafat was able to garner a number of Palestinian recruits for his group. Fatah was inducted into the PLO in 1967, and in 1969, Yasser Arafat became chairman of the PLO. Arafat transformed the organisation into becoming a strong independent organisation intended to make Palestinian appeals be heard by the world[10]. He therein became the ultimate leader of the Palestinian resurgence. By 1970, Yasser Arafat was deeply engaging in his arms resolution of the Palestinian problem. Raids into Israeli territories were organised regularly and Fatah was became an increased threat to Israel. In Arafats and Fatahs prime years of the 70s, both the PLO and Mossad (The Israeli Intelligence Agency) engaged in terrorist style warfare against each other. The Mossads known for several key assassinations, such as that of Ghassan Kanafani [11], (writer and spokesman for the Popular Front of the Liberation of Palestine, considered the second largest group in the PLO after Fatah) and Dr Wadie Haddad[12] (leader of the PFLP.) For the PLO, the Fatah group, Black September were one of the key groups engaging in such activities[13]. One of the most famous works of Black September was the abduction and assassination of 11 Israeli athletes in the 1972 Munich Olympic Games[14]. Though Arafat has never been proven to be part of the attacks, Israeli and American authorities often associate him to them. Analysis of Arafats Forceful Resolve: A number of western sources agree that Yasser Arafat tried to resolve the Palestinian problem through a means of terrorism. Its stated that he saw in terrorism, not of the horrific murders, but rather a means of gaining recognition for Palestine and Palestinian struggle. Barry and Judith Rubin, authors of Yasser Arafat: A Political Biography state, He had seen how it [terrorism] mobilized Palestinian and Arab support for the PLO; raised the Palestine issues international priority; prevented other Arab states from negotiating peace with Israel, and made many western leaders eager to appease him.[15] Often using the Fatah subgroup, Black September, there are claims that Arafat often approved operations and stemmed funds to them[16]. The argument also states that Arafat consistently throughout his life would deny such acts, thereby having a remarkable ability to escape responsibility for the terrorism he committed.[17] These views clearly classify Arafats armed approach in dealing with the Palestinian problem as acts of terrorism. They proclaim that Arafat, as a terrorist, used fear antic to drive his goal of dealing with the Palestinian struggle. The alternative view, in that Arafat was a freedom fighter is believed by many other historians and writers. Its a stance expressed by one of the closest people to Arafat, Bassam Abu Sharif (Senior Advisor to Yasser Arafat.) In his book, Arafat and the Dream for Palestine, he states, In my opinion, people in the west saw Arafat through the negative propaganda which rather painted Arafat as a terrorist, rather than a freedom fighter[18]. With the Palestinian problem ignored early on by many western countries[19], it indeed was Arafat who rather globalised the issue, made it a phenomenon everyone needed to solve. This is seen to make Arafats armed role in dealing with the Palestinian problem a pivotal one. These arguments also highlight Arafat as being the sole power in the Palestinian revival following the Six Day War, It was in these disheartening circumstances that the Palestinian revival began. There was little doubt that Arafats was the decisive voice[20]. Also, those which Arafat commanded are perceived as freedom fighters by some, Yasser Arafat, who had emerged as a significant figure in the Palestinian struggle for liberation, recruited young people to the resistance movement. In 1970, Palestinian freedom fighters took control of the Gaza Strip Yasser Arafat hence provided Palestinian revitalisation in the Palestinian problem, hereby making his armed role an extremely important one. As quoted by Stephen Howe, Without the Arafat of the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s, there might well not have been a Palestinian national movement at all. Evaluation: Surely, Arafats armed solution is interpreted differently by different cultures and people. Arafats emergence was in bloody early days of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, a time when sympathy of Palestinians and their struggle was widespread in the Muslim world whereas backing and support was provided to Israel by many western states. This makes the Palestinian debate a 2 sided debate, and consequently, an evaluation of Arafat is often affected by emotion and bias by the opposing parties. Arafats armed resolution of the Palestinian problem isnt a clear cut issue of neither terrorism nor political fanaticism. Two issues must be understood to drive this point; firstly, Arafats activities as a militant rather than a terrorist. An analysis of Yasser Arafats activates prove that he rather was present and an active member in raids and attacks against the Israeli army and troops and rather not in the alleged terrorist attacks of the PLO. Also, since he never was proven to be a terrorist, it can never be claimed he was indeed a terrorist. Secondly, a distinction must be made between the activates of Arafat and those of his bodyguards and Fatah colleagues. Often, the actions of both are confused, and when an attack by Fatah insurgents is carried of, its often stated that Arafat himself was part of then. Its true that Yasser Arafats role as leader of Palestinian spurred some to extremism, but it must be understood, though his Fatah colleagues did engaged in terrorism, he didnt. Yasser Arafat armed role in dealing with the Palestine problem should not be seen as of radicalism or extremism in thought and intent. Arafats armed struggle, though did not solve the issue, did in fact bring some results. His armed struggle brought a resurgence of the people of Palestine. With the united Arab response being habitually useless (by constant Arab defeat and loss to Israel,) only a Palestinian response seemed to solution. This but rather needed the revival of the Palestinian hope, which was severely crushed by the mid 1960 (especially with the loss of Jerusalem.) Though ludicrous it may sound, Palestinian revitalisation would not have occurred through peaceful means. The reason for this was that Palestinians where irritated and demoralised by the constant disappointment in the outcomes of Arab negotiations concerning their struggle. A symbol of an armed struggle would only then revitalise these frustrated Palestinians. With the creation of Fatah, (to liberate Palestine by Palestinians) Arafats armed struggle brought this Palestinian resurgence. Arafat also united the Palestinian people, under his armed struggle, a strong step in dealing with the Palestinian problem. In essence, hadnt this revitalisation occurred, the State of Palestine would not have been created, and future talks of peace and co-existence would not have occurred. But it should be clearly understood, that Arafat did not achieve his intended aim in his armed approach. A Peaceful Resolve for the Palestinian Problem: A Change in Contention, Olso and Camp David: In 1974, the PLO executive committee including Arafat drew up The Ten Point Program[21]. By many, is considered as the first peaceful initiative taken by Arafat to resolve the Palestinian Problem. It was a decree calling for Israel to return back liberated[22] Palestinian lands. The declaration wasnt one of change in direction, though was unique in that it did show Arafat to have a way of dealing with the problem through negotiations. The Ten Point Program was to be followed by more years of violence. After years of unrest with the rise of the terrorist group Hamas and notably the coming into being of First Intifada (which Arafat associated himself to); on the 13th and 14th of December 1988, Arafat announces a change of thought. He formally recognised the State of Israel, renounced terrorism, and revealed intentions of seeking peaceful negotiations in managing the Palestinian problem[23]. A month earlier, the Palestinian National Council (led by Arafat) announces and proclaims The Palestinian Declaration of Independence[24]. It was a new direction for Arafat in settling the Palestinian problem. In 1993 marks a historical event in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, as the first direct talks between Israeli and Palestinian leaders took place in Oslo, Norway. The talks were very secretive, with Yasser Arafat and Yitzhak Rabik with their top ministers negotiating in terms to co-exist peacefully. Issues such as the withdrawal of Israeli troops from Palestinian territories, Palestinian elections, economic cooperation and regional development were all discussed. Both parties agreed on the status of each, the rights of each other, and their intentions to co-exist. With the help of the Clinton government, on 13th of September 1993, the Oslo Accord was signed. It was thought to be the basis of all future talks between both. In 2000, continuing talks took place between Israel and Palestine at Camp David, in order to finalise the conditions of the Oslo Accord[25]. The talks were to therein define the boundaries of Israel and Palestine. The status of Jerusalem (a key aspect of the Palestinian problem) was the hindrance point in the talks. In regards to the possession of Jerusalem, both parties were unable to agree on a compromise, hence making the Camp David talks a failure. Analysis of Arafats Peaceful Resolve: Arafats change in approach in dealing with the Palestinian approach (i.e. seeking peaceful measures) has often incurred various interpretations. One particular arguement is that Arafat changed his strategy of armed approach to a peaceful one in order to fool others and drive his own agenda of securing Palestinian homeland. It was a typical Arafat style solution. By being so ambiguous about his methods and goals, Arafat could hope to convince the west that he was ready for peace and convince his own colleagues that he was determined to continue the struggle[26]. These views hereby make Arafats change in approach a somewhat deceitful trick that rather had true initiative. A different viewpoint states that Arafat was rather pressured by Israeli and American officials to denounce an armed approach and terrorism[27]. Throughout the Oslo Accords, its stated that Arafat was the weaker party, and that he was rather accepted terms and condition which Israel modelled[28]. This argument thereby makes Arafats peaceful resolution of the Palestinian problem not an intuitive of his, but rather a pressure he had to comply with. In regards to the Camp David Summit, a many historians believed it was doomed to fail. Kamrava argues that both parties thought they were giving up more to the other, while the other wasnt being reasonable[29] in their compromise[30].Hence, in dealing with the most controversial issue of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, the issue of Jerusalem, there was never to be an agreement. Hence, Arafats peaceful resolve of the Palestinian problem was always doomed to fail. Nevertheless, there are others, such as Bassim Abu Sherif, who says that the new peace path was rather genuine and promising. He claims though the US authorities did put down demands for Yasser Arafat, Arafat rather wanted his announcement to first be supported by for the PLO and Palestinians, then flexible to US demands, It was clear that Arafat wanted to be flexible enough to meet American demands, but he also wanted to make sure that he had the approval of the majority of the PLO executive committee to preserve the democracy of the decision making process of the PLO.[31] It was clear that Arafat was aware that by this time, both he and Palestinians were exhausted from fighting. Hence, this different approach in dealing with the Palestinian struggle might be interpreted as a new path, thereby creating new opportunities in dealing with the Palestinian problem. Evaluation: Arafats change in means resolving the Palestinian problem is also an issue of debate. The question of why change in direction and whether it was genuine is truly the discussion. But a deduction of Arafats activities brings an understanding of genuinity. Hence, his role in trying to resolve the Palestinian problem is herein magnified by his actions of this new resolve. Its evident that with years of unrest and the lack of advancement in resolving the Palestinian problem, Arafat needed to find a new resolve. He needed to settle the Palestinian crisis that now nearly turned into internal feuding. So, by understanding this dire need of change, it must be clear that he, Arafat, chose to change the idea of an armed struggle. It seems that he neither needed the pressure of Israel or the U.S. but rather chose to do it because of situation of the Palestinian people. Hence, it makes the resolution a genuine on Arafats part. Therefore, we see in Arafats change in thought his striving quest of solving the Palestinian problem. Arafats role in dealing with the Palestinian problem could further be evaluated by his actions at Oslo and Camp David. First of all, he dealt with the issue of Palestinian homeland in Palestine with the Oslo Accord. In this regard, Arafat failed to clearly resolve the issue, due to the vagueness of the matter he agreed on. This leads to the next issue of Jerusalem. Arafats Oslo agreements failure is exacerbated by the fact that the continuation of Oslo, (Camp David) broke down with the issue of Jerusalem. This issue of Israeli-Palestinian co-existence was spoken of the most in both talks, but without decisively dealing with this tension point issues, Arafat was doomed to fail. Hence, though Arafat tried to drive and resolve the Palestinian problem peacefully, he achieve no more than his armed resolution. Bibliography: Books: Lukacs, Yehuda, 1992, The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict a documentary record 1967-1990, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Barry Rubin Judith Colp Rubin, 2003, Arafat: A Political Biography, Oxford University Press, Inc, New York. Bassam Abu Sharif, 2009, Arafat and the Dream for Palestine, Palgrave Macmillan, New York. T.G. Fraser, 2008, The Arab-Israeli conflict, 3rd ed., Palgrave Macmillan, New York. Brown, Nathan. J, 2003, Palestinian Politics after the Oslo Accord: Arab Palestine, University of Californian Press, London, England. Dan Cohn-Sherbok Dawoud El-Alami (eds), 2008, The Palestine-Israeli Conflict, Oneworld Publication, Oxford, England. Mehran Kamrava, 2005, The Modern Middle East, University of California Press, Ltd, London England. Mark Tesseler, 1994, A History Of The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, Indiana University Press, Bloomington, USA, Journals: Simha Flapan, 1987, The Palestinian Exodus of 1948, Vol. 16, No. 4 (Summer, 1987),University of California Press. Websites: UN Partition Plan, 2001, Retrieved 25th January, 2010, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/in_depth/middle_east/israel_and_the_palestinians/key_documents/1681322.stm Yasser Arafat, Retrieved 25th January, 2010, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yasser_Arafat/ Timeline: Yasser Arafat, 2004, Retrieved 25th January, 2010, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/4004859.stm Political Program Adopted at the 12th Session of the Palestine National Council Cairo, 8 June 1974, Retrieved 26th January, 2010, http://www.un.int/palestine/PLO/docone.html Muin Rabbani, 2000, Encyclopedia Of The Palestinians: Biography of Gassan Kanafani, Retrieved 26th January, 2010, http://www.palestineremembered.com/Acre/Acre/Story168.html Poisoned Mossad chocolate killed PFLP leader in 1977, says book, 2006, Retrieved 26th January, 2010, http://web.archive.org/web/20060517211510/http://metimes.com/articles/normal.php?StoryID=20060505-102327-8910r Terrorist Organisation Profile: Black September,2007, University of Maryland, Retrieved 26th January, 2010, http://www.start.umd.edu/start/data/tops/terrorist_organization_profile.asp?id=153 Arafat at the UN general Assembly, 2009, Retrieved 27th January, 2010, http://www.al-bab.com/arab/docs/pal/pal5.htm Prof. Francis A. Boyle, 2006 Palestine Independence Day, Retrieved 27th January, 2010, http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=vaaid=3864 Why did the PLO suddenly decide, in 1988, that Israel had a right to exist?, Retrieved 27th January, 2010, http://www.palestinefacts.org/pf_1967to1991_plo_israel_exist_1988.php The Balfour Declaration, Retrieved 20th February, 2010, http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/Peace+Process/Guide+to+the+Peace+Process/The+Balfour+Declaration.htm The Population of Palestine Prior to 1948, Retrieved 20th February, 2010, http://www.mideastweb.org/palpop.htm Fateh Constitution, Retrieved 20th February, 2010, http://www.alzaytouna.net/arabic/?c=1598a=97061 The Israeli Camp David II Proposal for Final Settlement, Retrieved 20th February, 2010, http://www.mideastweb.org/campdavid2.htm The Balfour Decleration, http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/Peace+Process/Guide+to+the+Peace+Process/The+Balfour+Declaration.htm The Third Aliyah, http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/Immigration/Third_Aliyah.html The Population of Palestine Prior to 1948, http://www.mideastweb.org/palpop.htm UN Partition Plan, 2001, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/in_depth/middle_east/israel_and_the_palestinians/key_documents/1681322.stm Simha Flapan, 1987, The Palestinian Exodus of 1948, Vol. 16, No. 4 (Summer, 1987), pp. 3-26,University of California Press. Yasser Arafat, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yasser_Arafat/ Fateh Constitution, http://www.alzaytouna.net/arabic/?c=1598a=97061 Mark Tesseler, A History Of The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, Indiana University Press, Bloomington, USA, 1994, pg. 425 Ibid, pg.426 Yasser Arafat, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yasser_Arafat/ Muin Rabbani, 2000, Encyclopedia Of The Palestinians: Biography of Gassan Kanafani, http://www.palestineremembered.com/Acre/Acre/Story168.html Poisoned Mossad chocolate killed PFLP leader in 1977, says book, 2006, http://web.archive.org/web/20060517211510/http://metimes.com/articles/normal.php?StoryID=20060505-102327-8910r. Terrorist Organisation Profile: Black September, 2007, University of Maryland http://www.start.umd.edu/start/data/tops/terrorist_organization_profile.asp?id=153 ibid Barry Rubin, Judith Colp Rubin, Arafat: A Political Biography, Oxford University Press, Inc, New York, 2003, pg.61 Ibid, pg.61 Ibid, pg.63 Bassam Abu Sharif, Arafat and the Dream for Palestine, Palgrave Macmillan, New York, 2009, pg. T.G. Fraser, The Arab-Israeli conflict, 3rd ed., Palgrave Macmillan, New York, 2008, pg.57 Ibid, pg.88 Political Program Adopted at the 12th Session of the Palestine National Council Cairo, 8 June 1974, http://www.un.int/palestine/PLO/docone.html ibid Arafat at the UN general Assembly, 2009, http://www.al-bab.com/arab/docs/pal/pal5.htm Prof. Francis A. Boyle, 2006 Palestine Independence Day, http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=vaaid=3864 The Israeli Camp David II Proposal for Final Settlement, http://www.mideastweb.org/campdavid2.htm Rubin, op.cit., pg.113 Why did the PLO suddenly decide, in 1988, that Israel had a right to exist?, http://www.palestinefacts.org/pf_1967to1991_plo_israel_exist_1988.php Mehran Kamrava, The Modern Middle East, University of California Press, Ltd, London England, 2005, pg. 243-244 Ibid, pg.248 ibid Abu Sharif, op.cit., pg.183

How to Reduce Cheating and Plagiarism :: Expository Process Essays

How to Reduce Cheating and Plagiarism Early in the fall semester, a professor of American studies at Cornell found a three-page paper on the Internet analyzing a poem by Anne Bradstreet. A student in his course had just handed in that very paper. Accused of plagiarism, the student confessed that she had taken the paper from an Anne Bradstreet Web site. She had locked herself out of her apartment the night before the paper was due, she said, and without access to her notes had panicked. Two weeks later, the professor's wife, who teaches psychology, gave an examination to her advanced class. Halfway through the test a student asked to go to the bathroom. She was gone a long time, but the psychologist, who employed the young woman as a lab assistant and was directing her honors thesis, suppressed her suspicions. That evening, she visited the ladies room. In the toilet stall she noticed a sheaf of papers stuffed behind a plumbing pipe. They turned out to b e handouts distributed in the course, covered with notes in what she believed was the student's handwriting. Measured by recent surveys, cheating has reached epidemic proportions in high schools and colleges. In a survey of 21,000 students by the Josephson Institute of Ethics, 70 percent of high school students and 54 percent of middle schoolers admitted that they had cheated on an exam. That is up sharply from a study cited in "The State of Americans: This Generation and the Next," edited by Urie Bronfenbrenner and others.. That study found that 33.8 percent of high school students used a "cheat sheet" on a test in 1969. By 1989 the percentage had risen to 67.8. Furthermore, 58.3 percent of high school students let someone else copy their work in 1969, and 97.5 percent did so in 1989. A recent study by the Center for Academic Integrity at Duke University yielded results similar to the Josephson study, with almost 75 percent of college students acknowledging some academic dishonesty. In four focus-group discussions conducted by the Center for Public Interest Polling at Rutgers University, many students appeared blas about academic dishonesty. "I guess the first time you do it, you feel really bad, but then you get used to it," said one. Another asserted: "People cheat. It doesn't make you less of a person or worse of a person. There are times when you just are in need of a little help.

Passionate geography teacher

Since an early age I have been fascinated by Geography and during my last few old ages at school I have been inspired by a truly passionate geographics instructor. The more I found out about the topic, the more interesting it appeared to me. I was captivated by how in Geography, scientific discipline interlinked with art, and the natural environment interlinked with the human society. Hence, without vacillation I decided to prosecute a grade in Geography. I have already proven my abilities and my echt involvement for this topic as I am already a 2nd twelvemonth geographics pupil at Vilnius University, which is one of the best universities in Lithuania. The grade is disputing but at the same clip it is honoring as I am passionate about the topic. Not merely have I gained good theoretical background, but I have besides already developed some practical accomplishments used in mapmaking, geomorphology, weather forecasting every bit good as the information analysis necessary for recreational and touristry geographics. Thankss to my university surveies I have acquired a better apprehension of the natural environment. Last twelvemonth we undertook a Geomorphology field class, during which we were look intoing the land conditions to acquire a better apprehension of the formation of the soils nowadays in a wood. We besides researched the consequence of the clime alteration on the landscape. [ ( ? ? ? ) ] It was one of the most interesting parts of my class, as I had the chance to use my theoretical cognition and I besides learnt much about the land formation. [ ( ? ? ? ) . ] I enjoy traveling to seminars and discoursing about the issues that the universe and geographers are confronting. This is assisting me to understand the environment as a whole every bit good as my ain function within the universe. From the beginning of my grade I have been actively engaged in assorted facets of university life. I am a portion of the organizational and societal activities commission at our Students ‘ Union. I play a great function in organizing societal events, negotiations and developing. Most of this engagement has been as portion of assorted squads, which has non merely helped me develop my interpersonal accomplishments but besides improved my organizational accomplishments. I have ever been passionate about athleticss and have therefore taken portion in assorted sportive activities runing from swimming to hiting and have taken portion in school and university athletics competitions. I have won several decorations and my dedication for athleticss has helped me develop my squad working accomplishments every bit good as heightening my continuity. These accomplishments are critical for my university surveies and for my future professional calling. Recently, I realised that my current university is unable to suit my demands. My private research has shown that higher ( ? ? ? ) instruction in the United Kingdom offers greater learning quality and more chances for their pupils. Besides, the alumnus chances for natural scientific disciplines are significantly better than in Lithuania. Analyzing in England would besides be an first-class opportunity for me to broaden my skyline, experience cultural diverseness, and run into new people. It would be an priceless experience for me and would surely be an of import plus for my future calling. As I have studied English at school for 9 old ages and have been taking it as portion of my current grade, I am confident that analyzing in English would non present any hurdlings for me. Since the beginning of my grade I have ne'er regretted of taking Geography. Hence, there is no uncertainty in my head that I want to go on analyzing it. However, due to the differences in the course of study of English and Lithuanian universities I believe that the best option for me would be to get down my surveies once more from the first twelvemonth.

Professionalism as It Is

There is no such a writer, who would not want to have a high salary and nice reputation among customers. Still, for some reason, most writers get to write orders with low prices only and clients do not fight for them to write their assignments. Only a few lucky ones get to the level of the well-being others can only dream of. Why do some people have everything, while others gain almost nothing? It definitely does not depend on whims of fortune. It depends on whether people have qualities, professionalism being the most important one. Nowadays as ever before professionalism is something customers are willing to pay for. Do you know why? Because professionals are never late. They value their own time as well as time of their customers. When working with a professional, the client can be sure, that his order will be delivered on time, without any delays. That means, that this particular writer can be trusted with a hot order and that he will not let the client down. If you are reliable and have a good sense of time, you can be considered as a professional. Because professionals never deliver texts of low quality. If you realize that you will not be able to write an order qualitatively (not enough time, bad mood, health problems) – do not even start working on it. It is very important not to go easy on yourself. Do not make excuses for they will not improve mistakes in the text your customer will get if you don’t work hard enough. Every single order influences your reputation, bear it in mind. Because professionals are always polite. Even when it seems like your customer has completely lost his mind, do not be rude. Rage never got anyone anywhere. Keep your mind cool and your words courteous. Always explain yourself as polite as possible, even if the client crosses the line. Being polite doesn’t mean agreeing with every nonsense your customer says though. It means defending your rights and your point of view, but without use of strong language. Finally, professionals are respected and valued because they think they deserve it. They know their price. Professionals are hard-working, but they would not work hard for nothing. Such writers make a proper research, choose words for text thoroughly, proofread their essays – but they want a decent reward for it. And they get it, because they would rather write one large and complicated order with a relevant price, than many small cheap ones that do not require high quality of writing skills. So value yourself, become a professional. PS. And what â€Å"professionalism† mean to you? Share your ideas!